The Philippines Putting Politics Back in the Streets

By Jill Smolowe

When the cries of "Cory! Cory! Cory!" filled the streets of Manila last February, it seemed that Corazon Aquino could do no wrong. Her shy smile, the staccato rhythm of her speeches and her cheerful yellow dresses inspired hope and goodwill not only in the Philippines but around the world. Last week, however, a different response erupted in the capital's streets, where a crowd of 20,000 demonstrators cried, "Down with Cory!"

More surprising still, the crowd was egged on by none other than Defense Minister Juan Ponce Enrile, the onetime ally and crony of Ferdinand Marcos whose decision to turn on the former President assured Aquino's peaceful takeover. In recent weeks Enrile's criticisms of Aquino have become more ominous. Three days after Enrile led the chanting anti-Aquino crowd, he was joined in his attacks by Vice President Salvador Laurel, who sided with Enrile against the President in a Cabinet dispute over when the next presidential election should be held. With Enrile headed toward open revolt and Laurel fast on his heels, nervous questions began to emerge about the future of Aquino's eight-month-old government. Is it coming apart at the seams? Or is the Philippines enjoying a feisty demonstration of democracy in action?

Officials in Manila and Washington responded with varying degrees of alarm. Despite a large pro-Aquino rally at midweek and the President's calm assurances that she does "not feel threatened by Minister Enrile," some prophesied Enrile's dismissal, others his resignation. There were predictions that Enrile would try to wring concessions from Aquino that would render the President a figurehead. Some officials even heard the faint rumbles of a coup. All agreed, however, that Aquino was facing the toughest political challenge since she assumed office.

The mounting concern was evident in Washington, where officials hastened to quash any hopes Enrile might entertain of U.S. backing in his apparent bid for power. "U.S. support for President Aquino's government is complete and unequivocal," said State Department Spokesman Charles Redman. Another Administration official dismissed suggestions that Enrile might be the next President. "Enrile is just not a plausible successor," he snapped. "He's tainted by two decades of serving Marcos."

Certainly, Enrile took belligerence to new heights when he addressed last week's rally. Ostensibly an anti-Communism meeting, it was the first time that Enrile aligned himself with Marcos supporters, who have been holding rallies almost weekly. During his speech, Enrile hinted that the Aquino government was tainted by corruption. Filipinos, he said, need a government that is "stable, honest and clean." Although just five days before, Enrile and Aquino had seemed to agree not to criticize each other publicly, the Defense Minister tore into the President for her conciliatory approach to the Philippines' Communist insurgents. Earlier, he demanded that new presidential elections be held next year and attacked Aquino's dismissal of 2,000 local officials elected under Marcos.

While such disputes may involve genuine differences over the future course of Philippine democracy, it became clear last week that much of Enrile's rancor is rooted in the recent past. The seeds of discord date from the very revolution that put Aquino in Malacanang Palace and Enrile at her side. Aquino supporters describe the heady February revolution as a popular uprising that was backed by the military. Enrile, on the other hand, paints Marcos' ouster as a military revolt that enjoyed popular support. "Cory didn't give me my job. I already had it," Enrile said more than once last week. "The military gave the job to her."

In an interview with TIME, Enrile asserted that long before the issue of elections even arose, reformers within the military were plotting to topple Marcos (see box). Their plan to install a military junta crumbled, however, with Aquino's electoral success. Enrile said he then offered her military backing and proposed a Cabinet that would in effect form a coalition between Aquino and the military. Enrile charges that the "covenant" has been broken. Aquino supporters say the agreement never existed. Enrile maintains now, as then, that he is not looking to be President. "I have earned my place in history," he says. But few observers are willing to take such claims at face value. During the Marcos years, Enrile had a reputation for being second in ambition only to Marcos himself. A brief reading of Enrile's life suggests that the Defense Minister burns with a desire for recognition more powerful than most. Born 62 years ago in northern Luzon, Enrile was the illegitimate son of a poor village girl. At 21 he finally met his father, a well-to-do Manila lawyer who had only recently learned of the boy's existence. Subsequently Enrile studied law at the University of the Philippines, where he mingled with the Filipino elite. His classmates included Vice President Laurel, whose father had been President during the Japanese occupation of World War II, and Cabinet Executive Secretary Joker Arroyo, the scion of a land-rich family. Enrile has been particularly stung by his exclusion from Aquino's inner circle, which includes Arroyo, one of his most bitter rivals.

Vice President Laurel is also smarting from a bruised ego. He has been sidelined within the Aquino government since the beginning. When Aquino , traveled to the U.S. two months ago, she designated Arroyo, not Laurel, as the government caretaker. Laurel had plainly expected much more when, last December before the elections, he abandoned his own presidential ambitions to form a unified opposition slate with Aquino, throwing the weight of his political party UNIDO behind their ticket. He has complained that UNIDO members have not been appointed to enough national and local posts.

Laurel's bitterness and frustration finally erupted last week. He skipped the weekly Cabinet meeting, claiming that he had a cold. A few hours later, however, he held a press conference at which he urged that voters decide when they want new presidential elections. Until now, the election question has been subsumed under the larger issue of a recently drafted constitution. The charter, which grants both Aquino and Laurel six-year terms, will be put to a yes-no vote on Jan. 23. Last week Laurel turned on Aquino by proposing that the plebiscite should include a separate question on the election issue.

At the moment Enrile seems to be acting opportunistically and not working from any master plan. Several of his ploys appear destined to backfire. Just days after he hinted at corruption in the Aquino government, it became known that the U.S. Justice Department is investigating whether Enrile pocketed U.S. aid funds during the Marcos years. Moreover, Enrile's drum beating about the "Communist threat" is a reminder that the insurgency grew from a motley crusade of a few hundred guerrillas to its current strength of perhaps 20,000 during his years as Marcos' Defense Minister.

Aquino now seems inclined to ignore their differences. She undoubtedly calculates that the chances of a coup are remote. To succeed, Enrile would require the backing of armed forces Chief of Staff Fidel Ramos, who has assiduously steered clear of politics since February. In addition, Aquino still enjoys the support of the powerful Roman Catholic Church, which played a vital role in the February revolution. Moreover, at week's end she scored a small coup when the Communist insurgents agreed to a 100-day cease-fire. Nonetheless, few people are now willing to venture predictions about the future course of the Aquino government.

With reporting by Ricardo Chavira/Washington and William Stewart/Manila