World

By EDWARD W. DESMOND

SOUTH KOREA LUNCH AT THE BLUE HOUSE Chun ends a crackdown and talks reform with his opponents TWO WEEKS AGO, SOUTH KOREA'S PRESIDENT CHUN DOO HWAN DID SOMETHING EXTRAORDINARY LAST WEEK: HE INVITED TOP OPPOSITION LEADERS TO JOIN HIM FOR LUNCH AT THE BLUE HOUSE, THE PRESIDENTIAL RESIDENCE IN SEOUL, IN AN EFFORT TO "SHIFT FROM CONFRONTATION TO DIALOGUE." AS A SIGN OF GOOD FAITH, THE EX-GENERAL RELEASED THE 270 OPPOSITION

MEMBERS WHO HAD BEEN PLACED UNDER HOUSE ARREST, INCLUDING KIM Dae Jung, South Korea's most prominent dissident. At the luncheon meeting, Chun even acknowledged the "excessive measures" of the police.

The move caught Chun's opponents by surprise. Only days before, the President had unleashed police to suppress a petition calling for constitutional reforms that was being circulated by the New Korea Democratic Party, the largest opposition group. The government's position: no discussion of the subject until after the 1988 Seoul Olympics and presidential elections. Last week, however, Chun changed his mind. At lunch with Lee Min Woo, leader of the N.K.D.P., and other politicians, he offered to consider writing a new constitution, though on his own terms.

Chun's proposal represented a major shift. Yet, as Kim Dae Jung put it, "In his fundamental political posture, there have been no changes at all." The President agreed that his ruling Democratic Justice Party would, for the first time, rewrite the constitution--but once again, not until after 1988. The opposition response: if the 1988 presidential elections come under the current constitution, which leaves the voting to an electoral college likely to be dominated by members sympathetic to Chun's party, Chun will be able to handpick a successor. Chun replied that the President elected in 1988 would vow to hold elections again, in 1989, under the new rules.

Opposition Leaders Kim Dae Jung and Kim Young Sam, along with the N.K.D.P., have already rejected Chun's compromise on the constitution. Says Kim Dae Jung: "Chun talks of stepping out of office in March 1988 and of what should be done after that. But that should be none of his business." Both Kims support renewing the campaign to get 10 million people, or 25% of South Korea's population, to sign an opposition petition calling for direct presidential elections.

What made Chun soften his position? One factor may have been the fall last week of Ferdinand Marcos. At the luncheon, Chun was reported to have said that he did not want South Korea to become a "second Philippines." The opposition has also watched events in Manila. Indeed, Kim Dae Jung and his wife were acquainted with Philippine President Corazon Aquino and her late husband Benigno Aquino when all four were in exile in the U.S. in the early 1980s. Said Kim: "Next it is Korea's turn."

Other factors also contributed to Chun's new approach. One of his highest priorities is to avoid embarrassing political run-ins before--and during--the 1988 Olympics. A picture of harmony will, among other things, encourage foreign investors to look seriously at South Korea. Moreover, as Chun is always quick to warn, instability only encourages aggressive behavior by North Korea. Declared Chun: "Dividing national consensus at this juncture with a signature-collection campaign may invite North Korea's (military) misjudgment."

Any intransigence on Chun's part, however, is equally certain to foment national divisions and put the country at risk. As he looks toward Manila and Pyongyang, perhaps he can see that compromise rather than conflict holds out the hope of a happier outcome.

With reporting by S. Chang/Tokyo and Ricardo Chavira/Washington