New Man in the Basement

William Clark wants the presidential seal on foreign policy

As Defense Secretary Caspar Weinber left Washington for a trip to the Middle East last week, Secretary of State Alexander Haig asked him to perform some diplomatic chores in Saudi Arabia Weinberger readily agreed. It was a small gesture, but a meaningful first. Far too often in the past, the two most powerful figures in the Reagan Cabinet had acted more as disputatious rivals on foreign policy issues than as key members of the same Administration.

Presidential advisers give credit for this exercise in internal detente to William P. Clark, 50, who became Ronald Reagan's National Security Adviser five weeks ago. The transition from the State Department, where he served as Heiig's ranking deputy, to the basement of the White House West Wing brought the former California jurist from relative obscurity to one of the most important jobs in the Administration and immediately raised questions about his future. Would Clark become a rival to Haig? Would he attain as much rank and prestige as the White House troika, altering the tenuous balance among Edwin Meese, James Baker and Michael Deaver?

The answer is not yet, perhaps primarily because he has been so busy with his direct responsibilities. Clark's two most pressing tasks are to restore smooth operations in a White House foreign policy apparatus that is plainly troubled, and to get Reagan more intimately involved in national security affairs. Clark's controversial predecessor, Richard V. Allen had lacked the authority and stature to achieve wither goal.

Clark began taking hold while the Reagan entourage spent the New Year's holiday in Palm Springs, Calif. As the President made his final decision to replace Allen and upgrade the job. Clark immediately started a series of conversations with Haig and Weinberger. The new arrangement could only work, he told them, if they put aside thier contentious ways.

On a test of comity took place before Reagan's press conference on Jan 19. Clark proposed that Haig and Weinberger brief the President jointly. Some White House staffers feared that the session would turn into a tense debate that would only confuse matters. Instead, the Cabinet Secretaries performed in harmony. At a later meeting, in preparation for last week's visit of Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak Vice President George Bush murmurred approvingly to Clark: "Your clients are behaving amazingly well these days"

Clark's co-colleagues say that he is concerned about the common perception that Reagan understands and cares too little about the conduct of foreign affairs. Throughout most of 1981, domestic issues were at the top of the Administration agenda. Reagan's time was budgeted accordingly. Scheduling is king here." Clark grumblled privately after his first few weeks, and he has been commiting regicide when neccessary. To get foreign affairs worked into the President's routine, Clark sees Reagan each day for the "P.D.B""P.D.B." -- President's daily briefing --and often brings along an expert to talk in depth on one subject. He sees Reagan at other times as the need arises.

Just as important, he is making it clear to the other senior players that Reagan's views must be paramount. As a decision is hatching, Clark in his slow, deliberate manner is apt to punctuate the conversation by asking: "Mr. President, is that what you want to do?" On the afternoon of Sunday, Jan. 10, as Assistant Secretary of State John Holdridge was en route to Peking, Reagan talked to Clark from Camp David. They discussed the statement concerning U.S. plans to sell more F-5 fighters to Taiwan that Holdridge was about to present. But Reagan was uneasy about some of the language.

After talking to the President, Clark telephoned Holdridge. "The President has decided," he began, and went on to modify the diplomat's assignment. Instead of officially presenting the position, Holdridge would simply use the statement as a "talking paper."

Clark has been able to move so quickly not because of his own knowledge -- he is a tyro in foreign affairs -- but because of his intimate relationship with Reagan. In 1967 Clark was promoted from Cabinet Secretary to Governor Reagan's chief of staff. He served with such dispassionate efficiency that Reagan has trusted him ever since. Last year Clark reluctantly agreed to go to Washington as Haig's deputy. He got off to a painful start when his Senate confirmation hearings demonstrated his unfamiliarity with foreign issues.

Though Clark had been pressed upon Haig by the Reagan circle, the two developed a solid relationship. Haig, while ever anxious to protect his own turf, has even shown some deference to his recent subordinate. Officials calling on Clark get an instant reminder of why such protocol is prudent. The first ornament striking a visitor's eye is a large photograph dating from 1968 of three smiling men on horseback: Clark, his father and Ronald Reagan.

The good reviews Clark has been getting during his debut period carry some caveats between the lines. Like Reagan, he has never been accused of being an intellectual. His move to the White House improved a messy operation but has done nothing to redress another chronic problem: the Administration's lack of a strategic world view.

Clark has so far been reticent about pushing his own positions on specific is sues, or even revealing them. Those who know him consider him an instinctive hawk. Eventually, as he gains confidence, he is likely to reinforce Reagan's own hard-line feelings. If that happens, Haig, who is more flexible, will be less eager to applaud the new master of the West Wing

This file is automatically generated by a robot program, so viewer discretion is required.