Warm Welcome for a New Friend

By WILLIAM A. HENRY III

The U.S. gives Mubarak the same support received by Sadat

It was a state occasion that Anwar Sadat would have loved: an opulent White House dinner in Egypt's honor for 119 of the rich, famous or powerful. But the guest of honor, Egypt's President Hosni Mubarak, 53, is as quiet, untheatrical and austere as his slain predecessor Sadat was flamboyant and Westernized. Amid the formal black-tie splendor, Mubarak wore a simple dark blue business suit, the same understated mode of dress he chose for Sadat's funeral in October. Mubarak's half-British wife Suzanne was equally at pains to distance herself from the high-fashion ways of Sadat's half-British widow Jehan: in keeping with Muslim proprieties she wore a modest, high-necked, long-sleeved gown, and neither she nor her husband danced at all.

The differences in style between the bemedaled Sadat and the spartan Mubarak are more than symbolic: they reflect some policy differences, too, especially about Egypt's dependence on the U.S. In two private meetings with President Reagan, and in sessions with Vice President George Bush, Defense Secretary Caspar Weinberger and other Administration officials, Mubarak reaffirmed Egypt's friendship with the U.S. But he also discussed Egyptian moves toward establishing a more independent course in foreign affairs. He shrugged off the "fuss" about improving relations with the U.S.S.R., including inviting back 64 Soviet technicians deported by Sadat. Mubarak stressed Egypt's need for renewed ties to other Arab nations. He noted Egypt's intention to diversify its sources of arms, including the purchase of 20 French Mirage 2000 jet fighters for $1 billion, with the help of a low-interest loan from France.

Far more disquieting, Mubarak sounded dubious about the future of bilateral negotiations between Egypt and Israel on autonomy for the Palestinians of the Gaza Strip and West Bank, even though he formally upheld the Camp David accords as the basis for Middle East peace. He repeatedly urged "an American dialogue with the Palestinians," who, he said, must be given "the right to self-determination" in "a national entity." Thus he gave emphasis to the posture of the rest of the Arab world, where those terms are code phrases for a fully independent Palestinian state or a West Bank confederation with Jordan. Israel fiercely opposes both those options. Said one official in Jerusalem of Mubarak's position: "It's an indication, we believe, that the Egyptians are not really interested in achieving autonomy."

Indeed, Israeli leaders saw Mubarak's remarks as further evidence of a general cooling of Egypt's pro-Western ardor, to Israel's peril. Said one: "There is a strong urge for renewal of ties with the Arab world. The Egyptians may be asked to pay a price for this. If so, the price will be paid in Israeli currency."

Mubarak may have sensed that he had pushed too hard. He reverted to the status quo in a formal one-minute farewell statement to Reagan. Said Mubarak: "We are determined to pursue our peace efforts until a comprehensive settlement is reached according to the Camp David accords."

Perhaps because the Administration realized that prospects were nil for a diplomatic breakthrough, the White House had originally scheduled just 30 minutes of private policy conversation between Reagan and Mubarak. But that short shrift ran counter to the Administration's aim, which was, as a U.S. official explained, "to establish a personal relationship" between Reagan and Mubarak, and the meetings were lengthened to one hour.

The White House had decided in advance to give Egypt almost everything it wanted, except elevation to a formal status of "parity" with Israel. Militarily, Mubarak wanted $1.5 billion a year in aid, half in loan and half in grants, a package comparable to Israel's. Reagan instead pledged an increase from $900 million to $1.2 billion, which is probably about as much as Egypt can usefully absorb in a year.

In nonmilitary aid, Egypt and Israel are already roughly comparable. Mubarak succeeded in persuading the U.S. to allow Egypt to switch the allocations from specific projects to general sectors of the economy, the same flexibility enjoyed by Israel.

Mubarak pushed hard for the right to shift expenditures from the ambitious develop ments favored by Sadat, such as building cement factories, to small-scale construction, especially of housing. He also wants to change commodity imports from luxuries to staples.

From the Administration's point of view, Mubarak's trip succeeded, as Reagan said, in demonstrating that "the friendship between Egypt and the U.S. is more than a compact between individuals, it is a commitment between nations."

Said Mubarak in a cheerful session at the National Press Club just before leaving: "I'm very satisfied with the outcome of these talks." Though differences of policy remain, Reagan and his top aides made the new President of the largest Arab country feel he had a dependable partner in Washington. --

With reporting by Johanna McGeary, Robert C. Wurmstedt

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