Saved by the Moral Minority

Helped by the tiny religious parties, Begin forms a government

We did it," boasted Israel's Prime Minister Menachem Begin as he lifted a glass of wine in celebration. What he had finally accomplished, after three weeks of effort, was the completion of a new coalition government, composed of 48 members of his Likud bloc and 13 members of three small religious parties. The new government thus had a bare majority of 61 in Israel's 120-member parliament. Begin naturally tried to put the best possible face on his government's prospects, claiming that the precariousness of its position would serve to strengthen discipline within the ruling coalition. The real danger was that the government would prove to be too unsteady to grapple with the grave challenges Israel faces.

Israel is beset by devastating economic, political and military problems. Inflation is running at 120%; emigration still exceeds immigration. The country recently endured a fusillade of criticism over its bombing of civilian areas in Lebanon. Its leadership is deeply torn over how to come to terms with Israel's Arab neighbors. Yet these crucial matters scarcely figured in the negotiations between Begin and his partners: the National Religious Party, with six members of the Knesset; the ultraconservative Agudat Israel, with four; and the newly organized TAMI, with three. Last week the coalition released an agreement, a sort of party platform, containing 83 clauses. Most were concessions that the religious parties had extracted from Begin in return for their support.

For example, despite the economy's problems, the coalition pledged to enforce the observance of the Jewish Sabbath by port workers in the city of Haifa, where tourist-filled cruise ships often arrive on Saturdays; by employees of other government-run companies; and even by the national airline El Al, whose employees promptly threatened to strike if the pledge should be carried out. In addition, the coalition promised wage hikes for rabbis and increased aid for students in religious schools. More than that, it offered military exemptions to "newly observant" Jews who want to study Orthodox theology--an astonishing gesture in a nation where military service is of such historic and continuing importance.

In still another concession to the Agudat Israel, the coalition promised to amend the country's famous Law of Return, which specifies that any Jew is automatically eligible for Israeli citizenship. If the Agudat Israel has its way, the law would apply only to Jews who have been converted according to Orthodox law. Although few people would be affected, the change amounts to an attack on the validity of Reform and Conservative Judaism. As such, it would inevitably antagonize many Jews in the U.S. and elsewhere. Said Rabbi David Leiber, president of the University of Judaism in Los Angeles: "We believe in religious pluralism. We object to having a monolithic standard imposed on the Jews."

In the end, the religious parties, which received about 10% of the vote in the June elections, got five of the 22 portfolios in the new Cabinet. But Begin's most important appointment was his selection of General Ariel Sharon as his new Defense Minister. Sharon, who served as Agriculture Minister in the last government and was a zealous builder of new Jewish settlements in the occupied territories, has wanted the defense post ever since Ezer Weizman resigned last year. Instead, Begin kept the portfolio himself, quipping that if the aggressive Sharon were to become Defense Minister, he might "surround the Prime Minister's office with tanks." This time Begin relented.

Because it is so shaky, Begin's new government is expected to be even more ineffectual than the last. In one of his first declarations after forming a government, Begin called for an "undelayed resumption" of the Camp David process. This would include talks with Egypt, as urged last week by President Anwar Sadat, that are aimed at granting the Palestinians autonomy. But most U.S. and Arab officials doubt that Begin would risk toppling his government by trying to work out such an agreement. Surveying Begin's government, a senior official in the U.S. State Department noted the lack of moderates and said: "This is the most hawkish Israeli Cabinet in recent memory."

Discussing other foreign affairs, Begin last week said that he would recommend accepting any Reagan Administration proposal for a written alliance between the U.S. and Israel. Begin also called on the Soviet Union to resume diplomatic ties with Israel, but added that such an agreement would depend upon Moscow's allowing Jews in the Soviet Union to emigrate if they so desire.

Begin's government won its first vote of confidence in the Knesset last week, but already the frictions were beginning to appear. Housing Minister David Levy, a popular figure in the Likud, said that he would refuse to join the new Cabinet.

He was angry because the new post of Minister of Immigrant Absorption had been pried from his control and given to somebody else as a political prize. Begin wooed him back by giving him the additional title of Deputy Prime Minister.

In the meantime, the man who had become Minister of Immigrant Absorption, Aharon Abuhatzeira, was facing charges of theft, fraud and violation of public trust, allegedly committed, while he served as mayor of Ramie, near Tel Aviv, in the 1970s. Any of these relatively minor political difficulties within Begin's fragile coalition could be sufficient, in the end, to jolt him from power.

The Knesset session, raucous and bitter, lasted for almost 14 hours. Opposition Leader Shimon Peres charged that the coalition talks had been preoccupied with "payoffs for the religious parties and ministries for the power hungry." Begin, who was heckled repeatedly, said angrily of Peres, "The gentleman is a liar; the gentleman is a liar." Reviewing the proceedings, a ranking civil servant in Jerusalem predicted that the new Knesset would be "entertaining, but disgraceful." And from all signs, ineffectual.

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