Emerging from the Dark Ages

A young monarch struggles to overcome his country's medieval past

The Sultanate of Oman, which means "peaceful land"in Arabic, is so remote that it has often been called the Tibet of the Arabian peninsula. Nonetheless, the thinly populated desert kingdom--820,000 people --is a country about the size of Kansas and has time and again been caught up in the vortex of international politics. Its 1,060-mile coastline is on the direct sea route from Europe to Asia; the country's northern tip overlooks the preferred deep channel of the Strait of Hormuz, 40 miles wide at its narrowest, through which pass half of the world's oil tankers. Says a British major on contract duty with the Oman army: "One battery of artillery or missiles on the Omani side of the strait holds life or death power over the passage of oil."

After a visit to the land of frankincense and myrrh, nomads and warriors, TIME Cairo Bureau Chief Dean Brelis sent this report on the country's quest for progress amid the turmoil of oil politics:

One after the other, 18 Arab nations, along with the Palestine Liberation Organization and Iran, have rejected Egyptian President Anwar Sadat's signing of the peace treaty with Israel. The only country in the Arabian peninsula to remain solidly behind Sadat is Oman. Says Foreign Minister Qais Zawawi: "We do so out of the conviction that this treaty is the first step toward solving the problem of the Middle East and achieving a Palestinian solution. Even more, it is a realistic step toward improving our common regional security." But the trouble is, as a senior Western diplomat observes, "it would be a lot more meaningful and comfortable for Sadat if Oman were not sitting on a time bomb."

Oman has several of the same problems that were related to the downfall of the Shah of Iran: an absolute monarchy, a rapid pace of development, a large foreign military and industrial presence, and the potential for a troublesome insurgency. And oil. While hardly in the class of Saudi Arabia, Iraq or Iran, Oman does produce about 350,000 bbl. per day, with an income of $1.2 billion a year. It is the twelfth largest oil-producing nation in the world, and at its present rate has proven reserves for nearly half a century.

Oil started flowing in 1967, the year when past and present began to clash in Oman. Rebel groups had already mounted an insurrection to overthrow Sultan Said bin Taimur, then 56, a paranoid tyrant who hoarded gold from oil revenues in the cellar of his ancient castle in Salalah because he believed paper currency was worthless. Under his medieval rule, slavery was sanctioned, and no one could travel abroad without his permission. It was against the law for an Omani to wear spectacles or ride a bicycle. In the whole country there were only two post offices, three miles of asphalt road, one 16-bed hospital and three primary schools. Air conditioning was unknown, even though the temperature frequently reaches 130DEG in summer.

For three years the Sultan's only son, Qaboos bin Said, was held a prisoner in his father's castle because the Sultan believed he had been "corrupted" by his studies in England, where he attended Sandhurst, Britain's military academy. He came back to Oman with a love of Gilbert and Sullivan. When his father heard the strains of The Pirates of Penzance drifting through the palace, he was furious and destroyed every one of the D'Oyly Carte records that the young Qaboos had brought back from Britain.

In 1970 the British, who had lost their grip on neighboring South Yemen and its crucial port of Aden, collaborated with Qaboos in a bloodless coup. The only bullets were fired by the Sultan, who drew his pistol and aimed a few shots of defiance into the air. Then he was hustled to a waiting Royal Air Force plane, flown to London and installed in a suite at Claridge's Hotel. He died there two years later.

At the age of 29, Qaboos became the 14th in his dynastic line to take the throne of one of the most backward nations in the Arab world. With the aid of Jordanian and Iranian forces and Saudi money, the young Sultan finally managed to put down the rebels in Oman's southern Dhofar province in December 1975. The Omani counteroffensive was led by British army officers; 665 of them are still in Oman either under contract or "on loan" to the Sultan, including the commander of the Sultan's army and the pilots who fly the country's aircraft.

"He has the best small army in the Arabian peninsula," says one of the British officers of Oman's 12,000 troops. The Sultan's air force includes British-made Skyvans, Defenders, Strikemasters and Jaguars. The navy has seven modern British patrol boats and two Dutch minesweepers. Annually for the past three years, 100 Omani NCOS have received commissions in an effort to gradually reduce British command functions. About 40% of Oman's national income is allocated to defense.

So far, the Omani army has proved to be an effective deterrent against an invasion from Soviet-leaning South Yemen, which is host to an estimated 2,000 Cuban troops and advisers as well as Russians, East Germans and Ethiopians. Because the Sultan's army has consolidated its position on the ground, a move into Oman at this tune would be costly in terms of casualties. This does not mean that Oman has its guard down. There have been intermittent forays into Dhofar by guerrillas positioned across the border in South Yemen. One unsuccessful attempt was made by the rebels to blow up a satellite station in Oman. In an incident last summer, three British engineers were attacked and killed as they picnicked on a beach.

The Sultan, now 38, has made a remarkable advance toward bringing his country out of the Dark Ages. The three miles of paved highway have grown to 1,305, and there are an additional 8,055 miles of graded road. Oman now has 13 hospitals, twelve health centers and 365 schools. In 1970, the country had two nurses and twelve doctors; the totals today are 624 and 211. Color television and air conditioning are common; new construction is transforming the capital of Muscat into a dusty city of modern banks, hotels and low-cost housing. By and large, British industry and contractors are the biggest beneficiaries of the development spending. Britain's share last year is estimated at more than $400 million. Despite its oil income, Oman has had budget deficits of $20 million a year for the past two years; the Saudis have quietly picked up the tab.

Sultan Qaboos believes absolute rule is a thing of the past and that a modern king must give his people a voice in their own future. "Firepower, color television, air conditioning can't satisfy people wanting their own parliament," he says. "That's the message of the 20th century. Kings and shahs, sultans and emirs, must all bow to it. And dictators too." But the

Sultan has not made any significant moves to give up power. Last week, in a Cabinet shuffle that created ten new posts, he brought several of his relatives into the Cabinet.

Quiet and generally unassuming, Qaboos tends to keep a low profile. He often dresses in military uniform without badge or rank, and is seldom recognized when he drives about the country in his Land Rover. Married, with no children, he follows a strict Muslim lifestyle; he never drinks or smokes. His first luxury when he came to power was to order a complete set of Gilbert and Sullivan records and install a stereo set. Of late he has indulged his taste for luxury cars, including two Porsches and several Mercedes.

Qaboos is acutely aware that he needs Britain now more than ever, since Iran will no longer be acting as policeman of the Persian Gulf. For the same reason, he is anxious for the U.S. to play a more active role. "The Sultan is in the cockpit of conflict," says one of his British officers. "How he flies will determine the future of several kings, including King Khalid of Saudi Arabia. What he's done in nine years shows that he's got the hang of it. I'd wager when the time comes, he'll not be found wanting to do what's right.

After all, he's Sandhurst."

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