Home Thoughts from Abroad

A "vacationing"Shah puts the blame on Jimmy Carter

Far from the madding crowds of Tehran, the Shah whiled away the second week of a "vacation" that many expect will evolve into permanent exile. Part of the week was spent absorbing touristy distractions in Egypt and Morocco. But his major occupation was reflecting on events in Iran, and deciding on his own future course.

In an abrupt change of plans, the Shah apparently will not be visiting the U.S., even though Washington had already arranged special security measures for him at the Palm Springs, Calif., estate of Millionaire Publisher Walter H. Annenberg. One reason given was that the Shah wanted to stay near Iran until the consequences of the Ayatullah Khomeini's return home became clear; if events went against the Shah, he might then take up residence somewhere in Europe. Privately, the Shah fears that he might be treated in the U.S. as a rich refugee rather than a visiting head of state. He also believes that he would be politically compromised by fleeing to the U.S. More than that, he is so outraged by what he feels was the betrayal of the Carter Administration that he has no wish to seek sanctuary in the U.S., a country that, in his view, helped force him off his throne.

The Shah directly blames President Carter for the collapse of Iran. He told one high-ranking foreign visitor, TIME has learned, that he was appalled by Carter's statement that the U.S. no longer needs a policeman in the Persian Gulf. Although the President pledged the Shah undying brotherhood in a New Year's Eve toast at the Niavaran Palace in 1977, the Shah claims that he was subsequently plagued by continued sniping from Washington. As the crisis worsened, the Shah was made to feel unsure about U.S. support if he took strong action to control the disorders. His failure to act decisively encouraged his opposition in the belief that he was vulnerable; his belated granting of concessions was perceived as weakness. Ultimately, the Shah contends, Washington attempted to force his abdication. When he refused to step down, the CIA was ordered to undermine him.

American ineptness, the Shah also complains, applies not only to Iran but to the entire Middle East. In one conversation with Egyptian President Anwar Sadat at Aswan, the Shah spread out a series of maps to prove that "the Americans do not grasp the dimension of Soviet moves throughout the area." Later, addressing a joint session of the Egyptian and Sudanese parliaments in Khartoum, Sadat inserted a sword-rattling reference to Soviet "conspiracies in the dark" around the Horn of Africa. Aides said that Sadat had been prompted by the Shah's remarks.

In Egypt, where the Shah had flown his Boeing 707 jet after leaving Tehran, Sadat was a gracious host. He and his wife Jihan flew in planeloads of guests for formal dinners at Aswan's Oberoi Hotel in honor of the Shah and his glamorous, chain-smoking Empress Farah. By day the royal couple toured the nearby temples of Philae and listened politely to lectures on Egyptian archaeology. Sadat saw the Shah off to Morocco, on the next leg of his hastily drawn itinerary, with a kiss on each cheek and a 16-gun salute.

The welcome in Marrakesh, winter capital of King Hassan II, was noticeably less effusive. Hassan, fearful of provoking dissidents at home and angering radical Arab neighbors by consorting with a pariah, had reluctantly invited the Shah to visit him for a day or two of "conferences." The press was barred from covering the royal arrival, and the Shah was whisked off to a palatial but isolated guest house called Jinan al-Kabir (the big garden), hidden by orange, olive and date trees in the immense palm grove that surrounds Marrakesh. Moroccan officials were dismayed when the Shah arranged for his four children to fly in from Texas, and when members of the Iranian entourage hinted that the Shah's "day or two" might stretch into an indefinite stay.

The Shah made no public appearances in Morocco, more at his host's insistence than his own. The local press was commanded to ignore the royal visitor. At the urging of foreign newsmen, the couple appeared for an informal picture session, at which mint tea, almond milk, and cookies were served. At first the Shah, natty in gray slacks and blue blazer, greeted the press wanly. He cheered visibly after spotting several old acquaintances among the correspondents. But Moroccan security guards shooed the reporters away before a full-scale press conference could develop.

In Marrakesh, as in Aswan, the deposed monarch appeared to be slowly adjusting to events. He still seemed to suffer periods of uncertainty and depression, but insisted that he was "relaxed and well" and in no need of a major medical checkup. Between scheduled activities, he read newspapers, listened to radio reports and took long walks.

In moments of introspection, observers say, the Shah becomes particularly angry at the aides who surrounded him. Out of misguided loyalty, he now senses, they shielded him from reality. "My advisers built a wall between myself and my people," the Shah bitterly told Sadat at Aswan. "I didn't realize what was happening. When I woke up, I had lost my people. Don't let that happen to you."

What surprises listeners most about the Shah is his belief that he can still go home again. The Ayatullah Khomeini, in his view, is a crazed man, a transitory figure. A successful military coup is unlikely, since junior officers and most of the army would not support it. The Bakhtiar government has no popular base and is bound to fail. The prognosis, then, is chaos; the only solution is the Shah. After all, the tide of history turned against him with unexpected swiftness; it could as swiftly turn in his favor. "I deserve another chance," he says. "And if I get it, my people will not regret it."

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