Putting Down the Burden

Prime Minister Ian Smith is finding it difficult to convince others that he is committed to majority rule that will eventually bring 6.4 million blacks to power. Two weeks ago, Smith capped lengthy negotiations with three of Rhodesia's black leaders by signing an agreement that paves the way for such a transition. The achievement may be epochal, but reactions have been grudging. The black leaders are pressing the Prime Minister for a faster transfer of power. Britain and the U.S. insist that blacks of the anti-Smith Patriotic Front be included in negotiations, though both last week after a London meeting decided to wait and see. Neither Washington nor London is convinced Smith's formula will really provide for universal suffrage and a democratic government.

Across Rhodesia's border with Zambia, meanwhile, black Nationalist Leader Joshua Nkomo last week was readying his 8,000-man Zimbabwe African People's Union for war on Smith, and mortar fire and artillery barrages from Mozambique crashed into the rugged foothills and tea estates near Rhodesia's Chimanimani Mountains. In view of such reactions, the settlement between Smith and the three black leaders appears to be more an uncertain beginning than an end. The Prime Minister may recognize this. But in an interview last week with TIME Johannesburg Bureau Chief William McWhirter, Smith reiterated his pledge to bring about black rule in his own way and at his own pace. Excerpts:

On problems of peacemaking and the prospects of civil war. The evidence seems to be clear that they [the black leaders who participated in the agreement] enjoy the support of a great mass of black Rhodesians--perhaps near the 90% mark--and we represent clearly the views of white Rhodesians. We are satisfied that we are going to succeed in bringing the war to an end and getting all Rhodesians to work together. So you can take your choice between our views or the mischief makers outside who are doing their utmost to frustrate the internal agreement.

Immediately, there might be an increase in terrorism because when the Marxists find that they have lost out, I think they'll try to vent their spleen on everything in sight. Our assessment is, however, that once the agreement is made, there will be a gradual winding down and that in time terrorism will wither away. We are ready for an intensified war because it is always a possibility. If it does intensify, it will not take us by surprise.

I'm not denying some claims of widespread support [by the black leaders with whom Smith is dealing] are perhaps exaggerated, but there is considerable support. You must take into consideration the fact that the guerrillas have been brainwashed while they've been outside. Nevertheless, we get many messages back from these people and we contact them and capture them almost on a daily basis. We are satisfied they've had enough.

We have not excluded Nkomo or Mugabe [Robert Mugabe, leader of the dissident 14,500-member Zimbabwe African National Union] from negotiations. They have excluded themselves. I made a public announcement that any of these people who wished to return could, provided they came in peace and negotiated constitutionally. Indeed some have come back under those conditions.

On international recognition of Smith's internal settlement. The majority of reactions have been inclined toward us, in particular responses from the U.S. and Britain. I think we must concede that they are the two most important players in this game outside Rhodesia, so we would hope to get a favorable response from them. If that comes, then I don't think there is any problem as far as the rest of the free world is concerned.

The best possible reaction we can expect from the U.S. and Britain now is acknowledgment of what we have achieved here. We have overcome the first major obstacle. This indicates we are clearly on our way to our objective. We should get now what we were offered under the proposals which Dr. Kissinger brought here more than a year ago. We were given an undertaking that if we accepted that plan, there would be an immediate removal of sanctions and a cessation of terrorism. Dr. Kissinger was sufficiently straightforward to say to me that he believed they could guarantee an end to sanctions. The second point they could not promise, but nevertheless they would use their good offices. These were powerful factors. We've gone even further than we were asked to go. If it was right for the British and American governments to make that offer then, it should be even more right for them to make the same offer in conjunction with these proposals.

I think we've got to give the U.S. and Britain what they and the blacks have always asked for--majority rule. We have accepted this. This was the traumatic step which Rhodesians had to face up to. What more does the free world want from us?

On the emergence of Zimbabwe (the blacks' name for Rhodesia). We are going into new areas--the exercise is to register about 3 million black Rhodesians, especially the tribesmen, many of whom are relatively uneducated and live in remote areas. Obviously, under these circumstances it is going to be complicated and time consuming. But I can say this: I will do everything possible to expedite this. The black leaders have agreed that it must be done correctly, otherwise we will be doing great damage to our whole cause.

As far as charges of me trying to hold on to power, it isn't really a question of clinging on to leadership or prominence. I am being completely pragmatic. Whether we like it or not, there is a constitution in Rhodesia today and under that constitution the present Parliament has been elected and I am the leader of the party in power. There is nothing anybody in this world can do to change this position. Once a new constitution is brought in, I will be very happy to step down.

To the best of our ability, we have done what we believe anyone in our position would do. We are producing an agreement now and we are all going to sign that agreement. I think the pressures and the forces would be so great that if we attempted to renege on this, we would be finished. Even the few friends that we have would turn on us.

We have accepted majority rule for a future government. The majority of people in Rhodesia are black people. This is what the world has asked us to do. The main criticism over the years has been that we would not accept this. Well, now we've accepted it.

Our philosophy is to try to make this evolution while maintaining the confidence of the white man, to try to get him staying here and making a contribution, particularly in the economic sphere. We are trying to produce something different here in Rhodesia. A country which will stand on its own feet, perhaps unique in Africa, where the white man will continue to make a contribution, to work with the black. We can work together. This is the whole philosophy.

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