Monday, Oct. 28, 1974

Caramanlis: The View from Athens

In the three months since he agreed to take over from the discredited junta government of Greece, Premier Constantine Caramanlis has confidently steered the country back toward democracy. He has wiped out the repressions and suspicions of seven years of military dictatorship, freed political prisoners, abolished censorship, revoked martial law, advocated constitutional reforms and even legalized the Communist Party, which had been outlawed for the past 30 years. Now Caramanlis, 67, who was Premier from 1955 to 1963 and spent the past eleven years in self-imposed exile in France until his recall by the demoralized junta, is seeking a national mandate. He has called for elections Nov. 17, and is the odds-on favorite to be elected to head the new government. Last week Caramanlis met in Athens with TIME Correspondent Jordan Bonfantefor his first on-the-record interview since returning to power:

ON ANTI-AMERICANISM IN GREECE:

I have tried my best to make a clear distinction. Greek bitterness is not aimed against the American people, the American legislative bodies or the American press. On the contrary, we owe them gratitude. It is aimed against the American Administration, both for its support of the dictatorship and for its pro-Turkey attitude in the Cyprus drama.

U.S. MILITARY AID TO TURKEY: President Ford's veto [of a bill cutting off arms aid for the Turks] renders the dis tinction even more clearly, because it was still another Administration decision favoring Turkey ... I tell you frankly that if this situation continues, there is danger that even the most pro-American Greeks will confuse the distinction between the American people and the American Administration.

GREECE'S WITHDRAWAL FROM NATO: We withdrew from NATO's military alliance when, to our great sorrow, NATO's weakness became patently clear --it could not prevent armed conflict be tween two of its members. If NATO contributes positively toward the settlement of the Cyprus question--contributes satisfactorily from Greece's point of view, that is--then it would be possible for Greece to reconsider its stand toward NATO. [The alliance, Caramanlis suggested, must unanimously condemn Turkish aggression, and pressure Turkey to accept less than 40% of Cyprus.]

DANGERS IN THE MEDITERRANEAN:

Just in the past years, this region has become the theater of several crises. The most recent, of course, is Cyprus. What concerns me, and what is most disappointing for Greece, is that the fluidity of the situation in the Mediterranean seems to have been lost on the big powers and also on the organizations entrusted with the protection of international order and legality. They have remained indifferent to the explosiveness of the Cyprus problem. Meanwhile, the aggressiveness of Turkey went unchecked despite all principles of justice and morality. If it remains unchecked, it could create the danger of generalized conflict in the eastern Mediterranean.

GREECE'S ECONOMIC TROUBLES:

We have taken a number of economic measures [increased taxes on higher incomes, tightened credit policy]. This is not a long-term program. Its aim is to bring inflation under control. I believe that by the end of this year, inflation will not surpass 12% or 13%. Last year and at the beginning of this, Greece had the highest inflation rate in Europe, around 30%.

LEADERSHIP: The only thing I want to be is Caramanlis. I don't wish to imitate anybody. I believe in Solon's theory. When Solon was asked to describe the best form of government he replied: "For which people and for what period?" This means that each people, and every leader, has to find the form of government that is most suitable.

CONSTITUTIONAL REFORM: The executive power should be reinforced. A stronger executive would enable a government to work far more effectively. Under the old constitution, we needed six months to pass a law. That is absurd. Under such conditions it was nearly impossible for Parliament to produce the kind of legislation the Greek people needed. I tried hard before leaving Greece in 1963 to revise the constitution. I failed. I had a quarrel with the crown and the opposition, and because I failed to revise the constitution I left Greece. I knew that without revising the constitution, democracy here was impossible.

RUSHING THE ELECTIONS: My critics offer an untenable argument. During the dictatorship, these people demanded that the fall of that dictatorship should be followed by elections immediately. The philosophy behind my decision is simple. There can be no true restoration of democracy without the full expression of the will of the people as soon as possible. And all the people are being represented in the forthcoming election, including the Communists.

HIS ELECTION FORECAST: Fifteen years ago, I was in Kozani in northern Greece. I made a speech, and after that I went around the town square. An old man of about 80 years with a grand white beard came up and kissed me. I asked him, "What is your forecast for the results of the election?" He said, "My boy, the ballot box is like a pregnant woman. She's full, and you do not know what is going to be born, a boy or a girl."

MORALE OF THE GREEKS: The majority of the people, the real Greeks, have shown a unique, a quite extraordinary maturity. It's thanks to them and this new-found maturity that I have managed, painlessly and without bloodshed, to open the road to democracy within three months. It is going to be necessary to sustain the momentum over the next four years in order to lay the real foundations for a healthy and responsible democracy. Do you realize that the coming elections are the first this country has had in ten years? If I secure a sufficient majority, I will be able to succeed in giving Greece that democracy.

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