"I Am with You, Democracy Is with You"

A telephone call last Tuesday to the Paris apartment of former Greek Premier Constantino Caramanlis signaled a historic turning point for Greece. It was from Greek President Phaedon Gizikis in Athens, begging Caramanlis, 67, to end eleven years of exile and "return home as soon as possible." A second call came from French President Valery Giscard d'Estaing, placing a French Mystere 20 jet at his disposal, since commercial service to the troubled country had been halted. Within hours the Greek elder statesman was airborne, on his way to Athens. By the time he landed, to a tumultuous welcome from his countrymen, he had been named Greece's new Premier, and a new hope for democracy had appeared in Greece.

It was a surprising denouement to a crisis that only hours earlier had threatened war between Greece and Turkey over the embattled island of Cyprus.

There were other welcome surprises during the week. The righting between invading Turks and Greek Cypriots that had engulfed the tiny Mediterranean is land in a bloodletting was halted in a shaky cease-fire enforced by United Na tions troops. The chance of war between Turkey and Greece -- both NATO allies -- diminished, though it remained a worrisome possibility. The Soviet Union resisted the temptation to make political capital from the Turkish-Greek confrontation, thus affirming the spirit of detente with the U.S. And the other NATO nations fully consulted among themselves and acted in concert to dampen the conflict--in sharp contrast to the discord and backbiting during the energy crisis last winter. In short, the week demonstrated that the Western allies are still capable of drawing together and speaking with a unified voice.

The most startling turnabout, however, was the unexpected decision by the junta that had repressively ruled Greece since April 1967 to return the country to a civilian government. Though there had been rumbles of discontent in the military ever since the reckless Cyprus coup and especially after Greece's humiliating inability to oppose Turkey's invasion of Cyprus, experts expected nothing more than the replacement of one general by another. Or, they feared, younger ultranationalist officers bent on war against Turkey and unification of Cyprus and Greece might attempt a coup and make Greece even more militant and authoritarian. Instead, there was a mass exodus of almost the entire military cadre from the government.

Shaken and Unsure. The change came without warning. After a weekend of fighting on Cyprus, President Gizikis, a lieutenant general, called an emergency meeting last Tuesday of eight of his country's most illustrious civilian leaders and four of the highest-ranking military men. His voice cracking with emotion, he told the men, who included four ex-Premiers and four ex-Cabinet members, that Greece was without a government.

Indeed, Turkish military successes on Cyprus and the indifference with which the mobilization in Greece was greeted by the populace had left the military rulers shaken and unsure of themselves. With the economy seriously disrupted by the call-up of nearly all able-bodied men and the Cyprus crisis demanding immediate action, the junta no longer felt capable of providing the necessary leadership. It concluded that Greece needed leaders who were trusted abroad and had a clear mandate; only then could Athens hope to negotiate successfully at the Geneva talks on Cyprus and extricate itself honorably from the tense confrontation of Greek and Turkish troops on their common border in Thrace.

Gizikis explained that only a civilian coalition of national unity could extricate Greece from its difficulties. The four officers nodded their assent and pledged that the armed forces would "return to the barracks" and stay out of politics.

The six-hour discussion in Gizikis' spacious office in the Parliament building was dominated from the start by the name of Caramanlis. It was apparent to everyone in the room that only he could provide Greece with the leadership it needed. In the public's mind, the years 1955-63, when Caramanlis was Premier, were the country's last prolonged period of prosperity and stability. During his self-imposed exile after falling out with King Paul (see box), he had condemned the mistakes and excesses of the successive regimes. When Caramanlis learned of the Cyprus crisis, he openly attacked Athens' role. Caramanlis called the crisis "a national tragedy" and appealed to Greece's armed forces to bring about a "political change" in a liberal and democratic direction. He declared that he personally would be available to lead "an effort to restore normality and achieve national reconciliation." With this in mind, the men in Gizikis' office reached consensus. Caramanlis was the man to be the next Premier in an all-civilian government.

After the meeting ended, Athens ra dio interrupted the martial music it had been playing constantly since mobilization was declared the week before to announce: "The armed forces have decided to turn the governing of the country over to a civilian government."

The unexpected announcement, reported TIME Correspondent Jordan Bonfante from Athens, transformed the capital's huge Constitution Square "into a historic fiesta of joy. First there were 50 people, facing the pink Parliament building and raising their fingers in the V sign, shouting -- hesitantly at first -'Victory for the people!' Then there were 500, and then, as if from nowhere, there was a crowd of at least 100,000.

They swarmed over the square and exploded into cheers and chants of hysterical celebration. Blue and white Greek flags and white banners suddenly sprouted from windows. 'Hellas! Hellas!' shouted the crowd every time an other flag appeared. Groups of students locked arms, chanting, 'The people have won!' 'The junta is dead!' 'Democracy! Democracy! Amnesty! Amnesty!' " Unaccustomed Gentleness. "The blue-shirted police, so often a symbol of repression in the past seven years, tried to control the mob with unaccustomed gentleness. Occasionally they reminded the Athenians that because martial law was still in force, all public demonstrations were banned. No one, however, paid attention. An elderly man with a great moustache reverently unwrapped a short white votive candle. Lighting it and holding it in front of him, he ex plained, 'It's Easter; the resurrection of the Greek people.' As darkness fell, thousands of similar candles flickered in the crowd, infusing it with an almost religious spirit."

Although there had been no announcement that Caramanlis was on his way home, the news spread swiftly, and crowds soon began chanting: "He's coming! He's coming!" Tens of thousands of Greeks drifted toward Athens international airport to await his arrival.

When he finally landed at 2:30 a.m., the exultant Athenians welcomed him with what seemed like a single voice exploding into a roar. With a wave of his Homburg, the tall, slender elder statesman declared, "I have come to contribute to the best of my ability to the restoration of normal conditions and democracy. In the lives of nations there are crises which can be turned into a starting point for national regeneration and a better future. I am optimistic about the future."

He then climbed into a white Mercedes for a hero's processional to Constitution Square. The entire route was lined by his cheering countrymen, who showered his car with blossoms. The crowd roared its approval when he appeared on the balcony of the Parliament building at 4 a.m. and proclaimed, "I am with you. Democracy is with you."

During the first day of the Caramanlis government, the worst abuses of the military regime disappeared. Caramanlis granted amnesty to hundreds of political prisoners, restored Greek citizenship to those who had been deprived of it, and lifted limitations on foreign travel. Newspapers ignored the censorship laws. Within 48 hours, he named a Cabinet that included prominent leftists who had been imprisoned by the junta as well as conservatives with backgrounds in economics and government administration. George Mavros, 63, a moderate, was named Foreign Minister. The choice of Mavros was the new Premier's concession to centrists. As head of the Center Union Party, Mavros had led the parliamentary opposition to earlier Caramanlis governments.

The emotional outpouring ignited by Caramanlis' return and his swift actions surpassed even the delirious 1944 celebration at the end of the German occupation. Yet the exuberance was perhaps less a measure of affection for the homecoming politician than of the populace's joy at seeing the junta go. During the past seven years, Greeks have bridled under a puritanical yoke at times rivaling that of Calvin's Geneva. Miniskirts, beards, long hair on men, the music of Composer Mikis Theodorakis (Z and Zorba the Greek) and the traditional smashing of dishes to bousouki music in restaurants were all banned at one time or another by the military rulers.

The prudish restrictions would have been comic had the regime not been so brutal. George Papadopoulos, the junta's strongman for nearly seven years, justified repressive measures by explaining that "if the patient is not strapped to the table, the surgeon cannot perform a successful operation." He and his colleagues so strapped Greek society that the junta became one of the world's most reviled regimes. Parliament was abolished, the.press censored, works of 300 Greek authors and scores of foreigners blacklisted, and citizenship stripped from more than 400 Greeks who had emigrated, including Actress Melina Mercouri. Thousands of the junta's political opponents were arrested by the E.S.A. (the hated military police) and sent to some of the Aegean's most desolate islands, including Yiaros, notorious for its rats and vipers.

Denied Benefits. When the Council of Europe tried to investigate charges that the regime was torturing prisoners, Athens quit the respected if powerless body rather than risk the inquiry. The Common Market was so repelled by the actions of the junta that it expelled Greece from associate membership in the EEC, thus denying the Greek economy some $300 million annually in agricultural benefits.

Papadopoulos started relaxing the junta's stern rule in 1973 and even promised elections for 1974, but his fellow officers feared that the military's power would be weakened. They finally reacted last November when a group of officers led by Brigadier General Dimitrios Ioannides, commander of the

E.S.A., toppled Papadopoulos, installed Gizikis as President, and reintroduced some of the harshest repressive measures Greece had ever known.

Greeks took quick advantage of the liberalization ordered by Caramanlis.

Even those newspapers forcibly closed seven years ago somehow managed to start printing again within hours and welcomed Caramanlis with banner headlines. Hundreds of exiles flocked homeward, including Theodorakis, Actress Mercouri and 28 of the crewmen from the Greek destroyer Velos who had been living in exile since their abortive coup against the regime last year.

Sweeping Euphoria. One of the most emotional welcomes awaited the 45 freed inmates of the Yiaros prison.

TIME Correspondent Christopher Byron was at the tiny fishing village of Porto Ran, 20 miles from Athens, when a small coastal steamer brought the prisoners to the mainland. "On hand to greet them was a crowd of over 2,000 screaming, weeping Athenians," Byron reported. "As the ship was sighted over the horizon, the crowd roared, 'Greece's heroes! Long live democracy! Poison to the E.S.A. dogs!' When the prisoners--journalists, educators, politicians, actors--came down the cargo ramp, thousands of arms hugged them. Many of them were pale and undernourished. They were showered with flowers and smothered with kisses. The incredible demonstration went on undiminished for an hour."

The euphoria sweeping Greece should give its new civilian leaders the needed time to reacquaint themselves with the levers of political power. When the cheering stops, however, the Cabinet and country must confront a number of serious problems.

They will have to move to end the Greek economy's 32% inflation and more than $1.2 billion balance of payments deficit. They could continue the draconian deflationary program imposed last winter by the ousted junta, which included high interest rates, restrictions on bank credits and cuts in government spending. Such restrictions are far from popular, however, and the Cabinet may hesitate to continue them for fear of alienating the public support it will need to build a firm foundation for civilian rule.

Caramanlis will also have to decide what to do about King Constantine, in exile since the failure of his attempted countercoup against the junta in December 1967. Constantine said that he hopes soon to leave London and return to Greece. But since Caramanlis never got along well with the royal family, he may not be happy to see the King come back unless he can be sure of his complete support. One immediate obstacle to the monarch's return to his throne is the referendum of July 1973, sponsored by the junta, which abolished the monarchy and established a republic. Constantine, however, has told intimates that if his countrymen "chose a republic in an hon est referendum, then the only thing I will ask of them is to return to Greece with my family as an ordinary citizen."

The most urgent of the government's tasks is to salvage Greece's pride from the wreckage of the junta's Cyprus ad ventures. For this it needs some cooperation from Turkey, especially at the Geneva talks. The Turks probably trust Caramanlis and Mavros much more than the junta be cause the two civilians have never strongly advocated enosis -- unification of Greece and Cyprus. Ankara rightly suspected the junta of plotting the coup against Makarios as a first step toward eno sis. To demonstrate the new regime's reversal of policy, in the Cabinet's first official statement Mavros recognized Makarios as President of Cyprus. Said Turkish Premier Btilent Ecevit in welcoming the new government in Athens: "I am convinced that this heralds the beginning of a new era for democracy and freedom in our region. We can easily bury the memories of the past."

Caramanlis, however, does not have a completely free hand. The Greek military still looms as a potent ar biter of the government's ac tions, particularly in the sensitive negotiations over Cyprus. Many military men remain strongly committed to eventual enosis, and the officers may be tempted to oust the new Premier if he concedes too much to Turkey and the Turkish Cypriots.

While the military has kept its plans for the future a closely held secret, it seems unlikely that the colonels and generals have decided to relinquish all the power they wielded for seven years. A diplomat in Athens skeptically notes, "The military made a mess of the Cyprus situation and the economy. Now they want the civilians to clean it up." Certainly, if the civilian government disintegrates into the bickering factions that paralyzed it in the three years before the 1967 coup or seems to be moving too far leftward, the officers would probably take over again.

Critical Stage. In his televised inaugural speech, Caramanlis seemed to go out of his way to allay the military's fear that reforms would get out of hand. Urging his countrymen to be patient, he stated, "The transitory stage between dictatorship and full restoration of democracy is always critical." He mentioned nothing about elections or when martial law would be lifted.

Although the Cyprus debacle has clearly shaken the confidence of the officer corps, the military remains the most powerful force in Greece. At week's end no officers had been dismissed, not even Ioannides. The onetime strongman merely dropped out of sight, and may, with other hard-lining military men, be regrouping his forces, waiting for their next chance. Unless Caramanlis moves carefully and adroitly in the weeks ahead, they may just get it.

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