Brezhnev Deals a Shuffle

NOT since Nikita Khrushchev emerged as top man in the Kremlin had the Politburo received such a shakeup. In the most confident and decisive political move of his eight years as head of the Soviet Communist Party, Leonid Brezhnev last week eased out two enemies from the ruling Politburo and replaced them with four powerful and seemingly loyal allies.

The timing of the leadership reshuffle was masterly. Scheduled to make historic visits to West Germany in May and to the U.S. in June, Brezhnev will now take off with the fullest possible domestic backing for his pursuit of detente. The two Politburo members dismissed (the official phrase was "relieved of duty")--Pyotr Shelest and Gennady Voronov--have been notable opponents of his diplomatic initiatives, as well as of some of his domestic efforts. Among the four men promoted --Foreign Minister Andrei Gromyko, Defense Minister Andrei Grechko, KGB (secret police) Chief Yuri Andropov and Leningrad Party Secretary Grigory Romanov--at least two are expected to play large roles in helping Brezhnev's plans work.

Well known in the West as a former Soviet Ambassador to the United Nations, Washington and London, Gromyko, 63, has worked closely with Brezhnev in carrying out foreign policy. Now he will have a direct say in its formulation. Western ambassadors in Moscow lauded his promotion. Said one: "Gromyko has sat in Washington and read the Post. He has sat in Kensington Gardens and read the Times. In more significant ways, too, he is a man of the world. To have him in the top ranks can only be welcomed." Some of the diplomats speculated that Gromyko might even assume a Henry Kissinger-type role, giving up the Foreign Ministry to become Brezhnev's personal adviser and special emissary.

Grechko, 69, is the first soldier to serve on the Politburo since 1957. A Brezhnev ally, he has supported the easing of East-West tensions even though it involves an inevitable reduction in the importance of the military. Inside the Politburo, his expertise will be invaluable to Brezhnev on such complex issues as the Strategic Arms Limitation Talks and the Mutual and Balanced Force Reductions conference.

As for Brezhnev's promotion of Andropov, 59, some Western diplomats saw it as a signal to political ideologues that detente will not be permitted to weaken party strength or orthodoxy. Then again, Brezhnev may simply have felt that it was better, in a major shakeup, to have the top cop inside the tent instead of outside it. The elevation of Romanov, 50, was interpreted as a reward for a dutiful party boss, who becomes a "candidate" member of the Politburo with no voting rights.

Shelest and Voronov were the first Politburo members to be fired for political reasons since Brezhnev took over. Their fall was not unexpected. Last May, Shelest, 65, was removed from the leadership of the Ukrainian Party after he was believed to have opposed President Nixon's visit to Moscow. Since then he has also been accused of promoting Ukrainian nationalism. Voronov was ousted as Premier of the Russian Republic in 1971. Besides lacking enthusiasm for detente, he had disagreed with Brezhnev on agricultural policies. At 62, he may also have been regarded by Brezhnev as a future leadership rival.

Any possible remaining rivals on the Politburo will now have a difficult time outvoting Brezhnev. He started stacking the policymaking body in his favor in 1971, when he added four proteges without firing anybody. After last week's shuffle, the Politburo has 22 members; of the 15 besides Brezhnev with full voting rights, seven owe their positions to him.

All together, it was a heady week for Brezhnev. The day after the Politburo changes were announced (in a succinct Tass announcement that gave little hint of its significance), the Soviet Communist Party Central Committee issued a resolution that Brezhnev must have found deeply satisfying. It said, in part: "The plenum wholly and entirely approves the work of the Politburo to ensure a lasting peace ... and notes the great personal contribution of Leonid Brezhnev ... and expresses full agreement with his analysis of the international situation." The plenum added: "Work for favorable changes in the international situation will be largely facilitated by direct top-level contacts."

Bonn and Washington can start the process of dusting off their red carpets.

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