Closely Watched Planes

AFTER two planes carrying passengers and mail for Israel were torn by explosions, a newsman asked Minister of Transport Ezer Weizman what he proposed to do. "This is not a problem for a Transport Minister," Weizman replied. His meaning was plain: it was a job more suited to someone like his brother-in-law, who happens to be Israeli Defense Minister Moshe Dayan.

Both explosions were almost certainly the work of Arab terrorists. In one, a Swissair plane bound for Tel Aviv exploded and crashed after leaving the Zurich airport; all 47 people aboard were killed. In the other, an Austrian Airlines plane was damaged by a similar explosion, but the pilot managed to return safely to Frankfurt. Some dramatic Israeli retaliation against the savage and brutal act of terror seemed inevitable, but by the end of last week, there had been nothing more than a few relatively routine air strikes against Egypt (see following story). The most vigorous protests came not from Israel but from the press, pilots and public officials of nations across Europe.

The Angry Swiss. The commercial airline pilots, long victimized by Cuban hijackers as well as Arab gunmen, were particularly upset. In London, the International Federation of Airline Pilots Associations promised that unless measures were taken to end terrorist attacks, it might call out its 45,000 pilot members and ground commercial airlines all over the world. International airline executives, meanwhile, called an emergency meeting in Paris for this week to discuss ways of curbing the terrorism.

The Swiss, usually slow to anger, were furious. This was the second time that their cherished neutrality had been violated because of a remote conflict; one year ago, Arab terrorists shot up an El Al plane at Zurich airport. The Federal Council, Switzerland's Cabinet, took the unusual measure of demanding visas from future Arab visitors.

Airports all over Europe appeared to be under siege. Gun-toting police and even armored cars patrolled runways; Israeli and Arab airliners were shunted to separate service areas. Baggage was Xrayed, stethoscoped, or simply scrutinized top to bottom, and some passengers were frisked for weapons. Briefly, nine of the 16 airlines that serve Israel suspended airmail and freight services. But Israel complained that such restrictions seemed to punish the victims more than the victimizers, and by week's end all but two lines had resumed full service.

Withering Condemnation. Working together, Austrian, Swiss and German police slowly assembled clues. In the Swiss case, that was particularly difficult; the Swissair plane crashed with such pulverizing force that no piece of wreckage measured more than a yard in length. Nevertheless, investigators determined that each bomb had exploded when the plane reached about 12,000 ft., indicating that altimeters had been used as fuses. Checks of shops in Frankfurt turned up a pair of Arabs who had bought altimeters and tested them in the nearby Taunus Mountains. They were picked up for questioning, and alarms went out for two others.

Shortly after the airborne explosions, a terrorist splinter group known as the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine, General Command, took credit for the bombings. In the face of withering condemnation, however, the Amman-based General Command hastily backtracked and tried to cast blame elsewhere. Fedayeen Leader Yasser Arafat announced that the Unified Command representing ten commando organizations "is now seriously reviewing the entire question of attacks on international airliners." Jordan's King Hussein meanwhile cabled condolences to the Swiss, while Lebanon's Public Works Minister Pierre Gemayel stated candidly: "It is not by these methods that we get the world's sympathy for our cause."

Shifting Criticism. Israel's recognition of that fact tempered its response. Previously, Israel has struck back swiftly and vigorously whenever its lines of communication were attacked. By downplaying retaliation last week, Premier Golda Meir helped to shift criticism from her own country to its adversaries. Israel has been chastised for the bombing raid last month on the Egyptian factory at Abu Zabal that killed 70 civilians. Last week it was the Arabs' turn to hear criticism.

Even so, an Israeli counterblow cannot be ruled out entirely. The question is: Where can the Israelis strike? Since at least two of the suspects in the bombings have been identified as Jordanians. Jerusalem could order an attack on Amman's airport to wipe out Jordan's fleet of three Caravelles. But King Hussein is among the least rabid of the Arab world's leaders, and the Israelis know that in recent weeks he has been struggling to curb the terrorists within his borders. Egypt is already under almost daily attack by Israeli warplanes, and a really massive strike against Cairo could irritate the U.S. and Russia.

Because the Israelis did such a thorough job on Beirut's commercial air fleet in their helicopter raid of December 1968, another attack there might be considered a case of overkill. Strikes at commando bases within Lebanon are a possibility, however, particularly in view of reports that the fedayeen, in a January agreement with the Lebanese government, won almost complete freedom of movement within the country. An even more likely target might well be the new $40 million Damascus airport, especially since members of the General Command undergo training in Syria.

This file is automatically generated by a robot program, so reader's discretion is required.