Comfort for the Colonels

IF the majority of nations in the Council of Europe have their way, they will next month take a drastic and unprecedented action. Because of the mistreatment of political prisoners and suppression of human rights in Greece, the democratically ruled countries of Europe will suspend the birthplace of democracy from any further participation in the 18-nation organization. Among the supporters of the action is Greece's exiled King Constantine, who this month visited both Denmark and England in an effort to encourage even stronger opposition to the military-backed regime of Premier George Papadopoulos.

Expulsion from the Council of Europe, which is a sort of powerless but prestigious mini-U.N., will further tarnish the prestige of the Greek regime. But it will not affect its firm hold on power in Greece. Most anti-regime Greeks and many other Europeans feel, probably naively, that a strong U.S. condemnation of the colonels would force them to either step down or liberalize their harshly autocratic rule.

Arms for Athens. Such hopes are likely to be disappointed soon. After a long period of deliberation, President Nixon has appointed a new Ambassador to Greece, Career Diplomat Henry J. Tasca, who is awaiting Senate confirmation. More important, the Administration has decided in principle to resume the full arms aid to Greece that was suspended in 1967 to show U.S. displeasure at the military takeover.

Because of the continuing Soviet naval buildup in the Mediterranean, the U.S. feels that it has no choice but to foster good relations with the regime that controls an important base in the area. Even so, the action will come as a blow to those Greeks who feel that only the U.S. can deliver them from their oppressive situation. It will, of course, be a major boost for the colonels, who all along have sought to give the Greek public the impression that the U.S. approves of their regime.

In theory, the U.S. would like to see a restoration of democratic government in Greece, but it is afraid to push the Greek rulers too hard for fear that they might decide to seek arms or aid elsewhere. When Ambassador Tasca takes up his duties in Athens, he will try diplomatically to nudge Papadopoulos and his military colleagues toward more democratic rule.

Antipathy to Freedom. In the past, it has been difficult to nudge the colonels very far. Under prodding from the Johnson Administration, they drew up a fairly democratic constitution--but failed to put into effect the articles guaranteeing basic human rights. Under pressure from European governments, they have promised elections--but have not yet set a date. One of the most disturbing indications of the junta's antipathy to freedom has come in its dealings with the Greek press.

On Oct. 3, the regime proclaimed that the press was free. But what the colonels called freedom was severely modified by a list of such taboo subjects as criticism of the army or attacks on government economic policy. The editors responded coyly. A cartoon in the Athens daily Ta Nea showed a wedding scene. The groom was identified as "press," the bride as "truth." "What do you mean, we're free, honey?" says the groom. "We still need permission from Papa." No Greeks missed the allusion to Papadopoulos. Nor did any fail to catch the message behind some of the papers' headlines. Under a heavy banner in the daily Ethnos proclaiming MORE DEMOCRACY appeared the small-print qualifier as to where it would be: "Brandt Promises."

No More Games. The colonels responded to these abuses of a "free" press with a cagey game of their own: stop the distribution. Publishers of Athens dailies soon began receiving reports that their papers could not be bought in provincial cities. Unopened bundles of newspapers were returned. The government managed to keep a straight face. "Readers are so disgusted by what these papers print that they have stopped buying them," explained Deputy Premier Stylianos Pattakos. His explanation runs counter to the fact that between Oct. 3 and the crackdown, daily circulation of the anti-regime papers had risen from 400,000 to 490,000 copies.

Last week the junta stopped playing games. It promulgated a new law designed to cleanse and discipline the press, which it said was responsible for "the decadence of Greek democracy." Headlines deemed misleading can now bring six months in jail and a $3,300 fine; articles inciting to sedition are punishable by terms from five years to life. Among the other "crimes" are insults to the state religion, propagation of the views of outlawed parties, misinterpretation of parliamentary debates. The law also states that a journalist, once convicted, cannot have his sentence suspended.

With exquisite Orwellian logic, Deputy Premier Pattakos billed the law as yet another of the regime's steps toward democracy. Said the bald-pated former colonel: "Severity is the mother of justice and leniency."

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