A Trumanesque Comeback

Last February, New York Mayor John Lindsay trudged through the unplowed streets of snowbound Queens absorbing the taunts of angry householders. "Just try to get elected again!" yelled one woman. Trying to do just that, Lindsay last week returned to the same territory in a strange, triumphal procession. Surrounded by an honor guard of garbagemen aboard new snowplows, Lindsay soothed housewives with promises that they would never be snowbound again. The natives, while still skeptical, were nevertheless far friendlier than they had been last winter --and even friendlier than only a few weeks ago.

The incident was no isolated phenomenon, and illustrated what is shaping up as a comeback of Trumanesque proportions. Just two months ago, Lindsay's re-election chances were being written off as almost hopeless. Reviled in much of his own city, the target of a middle-class revolt that had anti-Negro undertones, rejected in the Republican Party primary, the ambitious, activist mayor seemed almost destined to lose. Waiting to restore Democratic rule was bumptious, volatile Comptroller Mario Procaccino, who proclaimed himself the champion of the "average man" (TIME cover, Oct. 3).

Big Bloc. By September, it was clear that Lindsay's free-spending, fully professional campaign was picking up speed. Few politicians were aware of just how much. Last week they were shocked when the respected New York Daily News poll showed Lindsay leading Procaccino by 47% to 31%, with 19% for Republican-Conservative John Marchi and 3% undecided. As everyone expected, Lindsay scored heavily among blacks, Puerto Ricans and well-educated, upper-income groups concentrated in Manhattan. The surprise was the mayor's strength in the populous outer boroughs, with their heavy concentrations of middle-income whites.

The key factor in the impressive showing was the Jewish vote--of which Lindsay received 54%. From the beginning of the campaign, politicians have agreed that the outcome would hinge on Lindsay's ability to win back Jewish voters, who constitute the largest single bloc in the electorate. Jews were alienated by Lindsay's backing of a school-decentralization plan that led to last year's school strike and conflict between blacks and the predominantly Jewish teachers union. And, like other middle-class whites, they felt neglected by city hall. In a major fence-mending effort, Lindsay stepped up city services, particularly in the police and sanitation fields.

He visited synagogues and Jewish neighborhoods to reassure residents of his concern for their problems. Lindsay's lean, 6 ft. 3 in. frame, topped by the inevitable yarmulke, became a familiar sight in the outlying boroughs. The grand reception given to Israeli Prime Minister Golda Meir led to the appellation "Meir" Lindsay.

Linoleum. Perhaps the biggest factor working for Lindsay is Procaccino's failure to rally either the Democrats or the independents. The most conservative of five primary candidates, he won the Democratic nomination with only a third of the vote, and has had difficulty expanding that base. Many prominent Democrats are actively supporting Lindsay. In the News poll, Lindsay captured a bigger slice of the Democrats, 44%, than Procaccino, who got 37%. Procaccino's personality also worked against him. The contrast between Lindsay's Ivy League polish and Procaccino's almost deliberate coarseness began to chafe in a city that has a certain affection for sophistication. One joke making the rounds of parties has Procaccino so confident of victory that he has already ordered the linoleum for the floors of Gracie Mansion, the mayor's elegant residence.

The race, however, is not over yet. Lindsay headquarters is worried that the News poll will encourage Marchi backers to desert a lost cause and swing heavily to Procaccino. Further, Lindsay's strong showing among Negroes in the sampling may not be translated proportionately into ballots next week because of intensive efforts by black radicals to effect a Negro boycott of all three candidates. But in the campaign's last days, it is the challenger, not the mayor, who must struggle to catch up.

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