A RUSSIAN SPEAKS SOFTLY

HOWEVER elusive a U.S.-Russian agreement on the Middle East seems, the important fact remains that the world's two major powers continue to meet in an effort to ease the region's tensions. In a major policy statement to the Supreme Soviet last week, Foreign Minister Andrei Gromyko indicated that Moscow would like to expand such efforts into other areas. The speech was a broad appeal for a constructive and friendly relationship with the U.S. While it offered no dramatic assurance of any substantial change in Soviet aims or attitudes, Gromyko's tone was more conciliatory than anything heard from Moscow in many years.

Gromyko went through the ritualistic assault on U.S. involvement in Viet Nam, but the language was less vituperative than in the past. What was new and heartening was his hint that the Russians are "ready" for strategic-arms-limitation talks and would participate in four-power negotiations to resolve the problem of West Berlin. "We are in favor of the development of good relations with the U.S.," said Gromyko. "It is clear that our countries are divided by profound class differences. But the Soviet Union always believed that the U.S.S.R. and the U.S.A. could find common language on the questions of maintaining the peace."

Cautious Inch. Moscow, of course, has compelling reasons for seeking a degree of amity with the West. The Russian leaders are clearly alarmed by China's belligerence (see following story).

The deteriorating situation in the East may be the main motivation for Russia's attempts to avoid trouble in Europe and the Middle East.

Whatever the Russian rationale, President Nixon intends to put Gromyko's words to the test. In response to the Foreign Minister's statement, Secretary of State William Rogers urged the Soviets to follow through on their stated willingness to open arms talks. The White House is interested in probing possibilities for an eventual summit conference, but only after some areas of agreement are found. As Nixon said last February, "I take a dim view of what some have called 'summitry,' particularly where there are grave differences of opinion between those who are to meet." The differences between the U.S. and Russia remain, and Gromyko's speech did not change them. But the diplomatic door to detente may have been opened a cautious inch.

Effective Counterpoint. Even as Gromyko spoke, the first Soviet warships ever to venture into the Western Hemisphere's waters cruised off the U.S. coast bound for Cuba. At first, the Soviet presence seemed like a direct reaction to Nixon's announced plans to visit for a day in Rumania next month. Were the Soviets trying to show that two can play at the game of intruding into the other's backyard?

In fact, the Soviet visit had been planned for a long time, and the dates were just right for showing the Red flag. The flotilla, which includes three missile-carrying destroyers, will be in Havana on July 26, the 16th anniversary of the first attempt by Fidel Castro and his small guerrilla band to overthrow the Batista regime. July 27 is Soviet Navy Day. Still, the visit was surrounded by an ambiguity from which the Soviets profited. Even if they had not intended it, the sight of Soviet warships in American waters made an effective counterpoint to Nixon's coming diplomatic foray into Eastern Europe.

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