ABM Compromise

During much of this year's fractious debate over the Nixon Administration's Safeguard anti-ballistic missile proposal, there have been hints of a compromise that might win over just enough Senate votes to keep the project going, Now the shape of that concession is be coming clear.

Some of Safeguard's most adamant opponents accept the need for continuing research and development in the field of missile defense. What they oppose is a binding decision this year -- and the appropriations supporting it -- to manufacture and deploy the missiles. Thus one possible way out of the virtual deadlock in the Senate is to go ahead with the basic program while deferring judgment on actual emplacement of the missiles. Massachusetts Republican Edward Brooke began circulating a written proposal to this effect three weeks ago. Last week Republican Whip Hugh Scott said in a press conference that he saw "no objection" coming from the Administration. Equally significant was a recent speech by New Hampshire Democrat Thomas Mclntyre, chairman of the Armed Services subcommittee on research and development. He raised the possibility of concentrating effort for the time being on the Safeguard components that need the most work, the radars and computer systems.

Deferred Vote. Although details remain to be worked out, an agreement along these lines would probably allow the Pentagon to acquire the first two missile sites, in Montana and North Da kota, and install two sets of radars -- Perimeter-Acquisition Radar and Missile-Site Radar -- along with the com puter network needed for processing information on incoming enemy missiles.

These elements could then be put through integrated trials while flight-testing of the Spartan and Sprint missiles continues elsewhere.

Under this scheme, a final vote on in stalling the missiles themselves could be deferred until next year without causing significant delay in the present Safe guard schedule. (The first two sites were to be fully operational by early 1974.

If installation of the missiles is put off, an extra three or four months will be needed for on-location training of personnel.) By the time of the second vote, Washington would presumably have a good estimate of the prospects for successful arms-control negotiations with the Russians.

The Administration, of course, is giving no public sign of interest in a compromise. It prefers to convey the impression that it can get the present proposal through the Senate; the House would then be no problem. Enough hints are being passed, however, to indicate that at the right moment in the next month or so, the White House and the Pentagon will agree to the modified ABM schedule.

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