The Making of a President-Elect

Why would anyone want to be President of Brazil? Of the nation's 13 Pres idents since World War II, three have been overthrown by force, one committed suicide, two resigned, three have had their civil rights revoked, five served temporary terms of three days to three months, and the current officeholder, Marshal Humberto Castello Branco, cannot wait to get out. For all the disadvantages, however, not until this year has there ever been a shortage of candidates.

This year's shortage is somewhat artificial. Under Castello Branco, who came to power in the 1964 coup that overthrew Leftist Joao Goulart, the nation's 13 political parties were melded into two--an official government party known as ARENA and an official opposition party called MODEBRAS. Naturally, ARENA dominated Congress, and so when Castello Branco decreed that the next President would be elected by Congress, the opposition finked out. That left the field to Marshal Artur da Costa e Silva, 64, former War Minister, leader of the army's ultra-conservative "hard line," and by far its most powerful general. Nominated in May by ARENA, Costa e Silva became the only candidate for President.

Promise of Peace. He has performed almost as if he were riding a bandwagon instead of a tank. Since July, when the election "campaign" officially began, Costa e Silva has barnstormed virtually all of Brazil's 22 states, made scores of speeches, shaken tens of thousands of hands. He has promised his audiences almost everything: a balanced budget, control of inflation, more imports, more exports, better transport and communications, more electric power, better education, health and housing. His aim, he proclaims, is to promote "an authentic democracy, in which the rich are richer and the poor are less poor."

With cliches flapping up like frightened pigeons, the campaign finally ended last week. In the great banquet hall of Rio's Copacabana Palace Hotel, Costa e Silva peered from behind his green-tinted sunglasses while 450 captains of industry pretended that the filet mignon on their plates was the only beef they had with the government. "An unforgettable night," proclaimed the president of the National Confederation of Industries. "A his toric moment," added the president of the National Confederation of Agriculture. "The moral attributes of Your Excellency, Senhor Marshal," said the president of the National Confederation of Industrial Workers, "make of Your Excellency the unquestioned interpreter of the aspirations of the workers, who jubilantly exalt the irreversible resolution of Your Excellency to bring peace to the Brazilian family."

Incredible Four. Costa e Silva will be elected this week and take office in March. But whether he can bring peace to the Brazilian family is another question. Opposition elements are already beginning to unite against any form of military rule, whether by Castello Branco or Costa e Silva. Even the deadliest of enemies are talking of joining forces in something called the Frente Ampla (Broad Front) to bring the soldiers down.

Even to Brazilians, who are surprised at nothing their politicians do, the Frente Ampla would be an incredible feat. It would bring together four powerful demagogues who have never before mentioned each other's names except in anger. The four: Free-spending President Juscelino Kubitschek, Crackpot Janio Quadros, Joao Goulart, and right-wing Nationalist Carlos La-cerda, Brazil's eternally angry man. All but Lacerda, who once supported Castello Branco, are now officially banned from political activity. But between them, they once controlled almost the entire Brazilian electorate. Says a key Kubitschek lieutenant: "Costa e Silva will have to look around very carefully when he wakes up each morning."

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