The Day That Wasn't

First there was "Empire Day" in Britain, which was just fine when there was an empire to celebrate. But then the empire began to crumble, so "Commonwealth Day" took its place. Which, in turn, was just fine when there was a nice, strong, united Commonwealth to celebrate. But last week, when Commonwealth Day rolled around once again, there was not much of anything to celebrate. Uganda's King Freddy was in flight, and in South America the troubled colony of British Guiana--still under a state of emergency-- went its independent way. In fact, things were reaching such an un-Commonwealth pass that a member in Africa could stand up and call for Britain's expulsion, of all things. For Harold Wilson's Commonwealth, it was a week filled with more problems than answers.

Policy of Kith & Kin. The expulsion order was suggested by Zambia's President Kenneth Kaunda, who was impatient for stronger British action against Ian Smith's government in Rhodesia. Addressing 20,000 followers at a youth rally in Lusaka, Kaunda attacked Wilson for his "kith and kin" policy on Rhodesia and threatened to propose Britain's expulsion at the next Commonwealth meeting unless Smith's gov ernment has been toppled by then. "Our stand on the rebels is final," Kaunda stressed. ";We refuse to be part and parcel of British treachery."

As further leverage on Wilson, Kaunda decided to withhold all hardcurrency payments to Rhodesia, due as its share of the jointly owned and operated railway that is Zambia's lifeline for copper exports and coal and consumer-goods imports. By jeopardizing his own economy, Kaunda hopes to put Wilson over a barrel and force him into more decisive action. To calm Kaunda down, last week Wilson sent Judith Hart, the Minister of State for Commonwealth Relations, to Lusaka. When she arrived, only two minor protocol officers were waiting to meet her, and toward week's end she had yet to talk with Kaunda officially. "If the British government should change its policy tomorrow," said Kaunda, "I would shake the hand of Harold Wilson. If it does not, he must expect criticism." There was no evidence whatever that Wilson would bow to Kaunda's demands. Since economic sanctions against Rhodesia have failed, Britain has shifted its position and now seems prepared to negotiate a settlement that will leave Smith firmly in power.

Plea for Defenses. Wilson was also receiving criticism last week on the colony of Aden and the South Arabian Federation, which is due for package independence in 1968. Early in the week four South Arabian Cabinet ministers ar rived in London to discuss ways for South Arabia to avert almost certain subversion and take-over by Egypt's Nasser once Britain pulls out its 13,000 troops and closes down Aden's Khormaksar Airfield. To beef up its 5,000-man army, South Arabia wants 5,000 British troops, some patrol boats and spotter planes, a couple of artillery battalions, and eight Hawker Hunter jets.

During the talks, opposition Tories angrily denounced Wilson for "misleading" Parliament into believing that South Arabia did not even want a defense treaty when in fact all evidence suddenly suggested otherwise. Even Egypt itself was pointing up the urgency. "Liberation battles in Aden and South Arabian protectorates," Nasser's First Vice President Abdel Hakim Amer said last week, "must have effective help and participation, and we can provide it."

Another colony that was giving Wilson a spot of trouble was Gibraltar, Britain's only foothold on the European mainland. Early this month, London finally agreed to informal subministerial talks with Madrid concerning Spain's age-old demands for "the Rock." And no sooner were they being planned last week than Labor backbenchers began sniping at the government for agreeing to go to the conference table--even though the talks would be little more than a device to stall off the Spaniards for years to come.

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