Signal for the Statehouses

The 1964 Democratic landslide left the G.O.P. a shambles on practically every level, from the state assembly to the U.S. Senate. The nation's Statehouses were a significant exception. The Republicans not only did not lose any; they gained one. No fewer than 17 Republican Governors are now in command, and among them are some of the party's biggest names: New York's Nelson Rockefeller, Pennsylvania's William Scranton, Michigan's George Romney, Idaho's Robert Smylie, Oregon's Mark Hatfield. Last week Washington's promising young Republican Governor Daniel J. Evans, 40, called on the G.O.P. Governor's Mansion contingent to re-assume the responsibility it abdicated during the Goldwater campaign of 1964.

Pragmatic & Positive. "I respect our Republican members of Congress," Evans told New York Timesman Tom Wicker during an interview in Olympia, the capital, "but they are a minority. They can't really take the lead in solving problems. And when they do have constructive suggestions, the Democratic majority can and does take them over as their own. So it's only our Republican Governors who can really be positive leaders today. This gives them a real opportunity. The Governors are in a position to recognize the problems of their states and then take the lead in doing something about them. And politicians win elections today because they can lead."

Evans' emphasis is purely pragmatic. "The people these days are problem-oriented, not philosophy-oriented," he told Wicker. "The people want their problems solved, and they don't worry much about whether they are solved at the local, state or federal level." In this respect Evans is a full-fledged apostle of "creative federalism" (TIME ESSAY, May 27), which calls for a fresh spirit of partnership among all levels of Government. A corollary of the theory is what Rockefeller calls "the new federalism," which urges the states and localities to recapture the initiative from Washington, wherever possible, in facing and solving problems.

In his two years in office Evans has tried--with marked success--to prove the corollary. Though both houses of his legislature are Democratic-controlled, he has managed to pass more than half of the 35 priority bills in his "Blueprint for Progress" program. Still, several of his most cherished proposals, including one to establish a state department of transportation, were axed by the opposition, and he is consequently hopeful that a new reapportionment plan will enable the G.O.P. to win control of at least the lower house this fall.

Issues, Not Ideologies. Evans, who was elected in the face of Lyndon Johnson's overwhelming victory and a 2-to-l Democratic edge in Washington State registration, believes that "the day of the political boss" is just about over. "More and more people are independent enough, however they register, to vote for the man they think can provide the leadership they need," he says.

If there was any lesson to be learned from 1965's hodgepodge of off-year elections, it was precisely this one: that the American voter is becoming a more independent cuss every year, focusing on issues rather than ideologies. Evans believes the G.O.P. would do well to remember this in 1966--and beyond--and urges the party to minimize its philosophical feuds and turn its energies toward solving problems. "We must not be the party that forever gets E for excellence in defining the problems," he says, "and F for failure in coming up with the solution."

This file is automatically generated by a robot program, so reader's discretion is required.