The Reasons Why

Moving with skill and dexterity, the President of the U.S. last week announced the all-but-inevitable decision to resume U.S. nuclear tests in the atmosphere. As he went on nationwide TV to disclose his plans, John Kennedy had already managed not only to neutralize opposition to the tests at home--such as it was--but to ease the impact of the tests abroad. In a speech that complimented the intelligence and maturity of the American people--a speech crammed with facts yet made convincing by its speaker's intensity--the President stated his case. Because of the progress that the Soviet Union had made in its 50 explosions last fall, the U.S. was in danger of losing the nuclear superiority that is the free world's broad shield. The U.S. would therefore resume atmospheric nuclear testing from British-controlled Christmas Island in the Pacific Ocean in late April --unless the Russians agreed in the intervening weeks to test ban that included a workable inspection system.

Thus, President Kennedy again put Russia's Nikita Khrushchev on the defensive. Every nation acknowledges the right of all nations to take the necessary steps to defend themselves. If, in the nature of modern weapons, there is a special onus attached to preparing a nuclear defense, then the Russians--who cheated upon and broke the three-year moratorium--now had a new opportunity to decide whether the U.S. goes ahead with its tests. A maneuver "strongly resembling blackmail," cried the Russian news agency Tass. The Soviet Union declared that it had no intention of accepting Western proposals for a test ban at this month's 18-nation conference on disarmament in Geneva.

United Front. When Kennedy last fall tentatively made his decision to resume testing, many scientists and members of his own Administration opposed atmospheric testing on grounds that it not only was unnecessary but would stir up resentment abroad. One scientist who argued strongly for tests was Harold Brown, 34, a nuclear physicist and director of the Pentagon's research and engineering department. As Kennedy patiently waited out the argument, the doubters were turned into advocates as the chilling details of the Russian test series became apparent, largely through a detailed report submitted by a panel headed by Cornell's Dr. Hans Bethe, a theoretical physicist well known as an opponent of unnecessary nuclear testing.

By last week Kennedy had placed himself in the enviable position of being urged on all sides to make a move that he had quietly decided upon while others were still debating it. Said Senate Majority Leader Mike Mansfield: "If the President had not made this decision, even though he made it with a heavy heart, he would have been derelict in his duty to the country and the free world."

"Shield from Danger." As the nuclear discussion continued, Kennedy realized that the main deterrent to U.S. testing was neither world opinion nor the danger of polluting the atmosphere, but the risk of speeding up an arms race with Russia that might lead to nuclear war. Yet last week, as he announced that the U.S. would keep fallout from its tests to a minimum,* he also showed his awareness of the world's concern about testing: "I find it deeply regrettable that any radioactive material must be added to the atmosphere--that even one additional individual's health may be risked in the foreseeable future."

Last November Kennedy turned down a rash plan to fire off a few atomic weapons as a kind of reprisal for the Soviet tests. As late as last week, he was still soliciting alternate views from his advisers and Cabinet members, held one final meeting of the National Security Council to turn up any last thoughts. There were none. While Presidential Adviser Ted Sorensen worked several nights until 3 a.m. or later on the President's speech, U.S. ambassadors thoroughly briefed key Government officials around the world, spelling out the reasons for Kennedy's decision. A special presidential message went off to Premier Ikeda of Japan, the ally expected to protest the loudest against the tests.

Issue at Stake. The U.S. was braced for the world's reaction--and resigned to it. Japan's Premier Ikeda fired off a courtly but unhappy letter to Kennedy that called the testing announcement "exceedingly regrettable," and urged: "We strongly request you to withdraw the decision." Egypt's government-owned newspaper lamented the announcement, said it would produce "an air of pessimism" at the disarmament conference in Geneva. Red China fell into step for once with the Soviet Union, attacked Kennedy's speech as a power play to force the Russians to accept a nefarious U.S. scheme for a test ban. Predictably, Britain, France, Canada and the Philippines gave prompt and firm support to the President.

However the world chose to understand it, the issue at stake in last week's decision was the security of the U.S. and all free nations. Concluded the President: "Our foremost aim is the control of force, not the pursuit of force, in a world made safe for mankind. But whatever the future brings, I am sworn to uphold and defend the freedom of the American people--and I intend to do whatever must be done to fulfill that solemn obligation."

*Said Kennedy: "It has been estimated that the exposure due to radioactivity from these tests will be less than one-fiftieth of the difference which can be experienced, due to variations in natural radioactivity, simply by living in different locations in this country."

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