The Pharmacist in Exile

Outside the house in Cairo hung a strange new flag: two vertical bars, green and white, with a red crescent and star in the center. Inside, a large, solemn-faced man with luminous brown eyes faced 100 reporters. "In the name of the Algerian people," Ferhat Abbas, 58, announced the formation of a "government-in-exile" for the new Algerian republic "which considers itself in a state of war with France." Egypt's Nasser quickly hailed the "blessed step," and within 24 hours, Iraq, Yemen and Libya had recognized the nation. More reluctantly, since they fear repercussions from France, Tunisia and Morocco followed suit.

Personal Status. As Premier of the new "government," Ferhat Abbas represents a more moderate choice than might have been expected. A placid ex-pharmacist who speaks much better French than Arabic ("I cannot read Arabic, and I speak it like a country bumpkin"), Abbas was long the recognized leader of the pro-French Moslems, has worked most of his life to bring France and Moslem Algerians into a decent, humane relationship. Though he was twice jailed by the French and called a salaud (dirty bum) by a right-wing Deputy when he was a member of the French Constituent Assembly, he once wrote: "Algeria is a French land. We are Frenchmen with a personal Moslem status."

For two years after the revolt broke out in 1954, Abbas failed to join the F.L.N., but slowly became embittered by the French temporizing, finally told friends, "We are all fellaghas. Those who aren't cowards have taken up arms. Those who are cowards talk to the administration. I'm finished now. The real Algerian leaders now are guerrilla leaders in the hills." Since joining the F.L.N., Abbas has lived in Switzerland with his French wife, shuttles between Cairo, New York and South America, working for independence.

The F.L.N. command in Cairo readily admitted that the announcement of a government-in-exile was a calculated countermeasure to De Gaulle's expected victory in this week's referendum. Unlike the voters in France's colonies, Algeria's voters cannot choose independence by voting non. In these circumstances, the F.L.N. has ordered Moslems to boycott the election, and the measure of De Gaulle's success will not be a majority for out (which is already conceded), but the size of the vote. Heavy participation could be taken as a vote of confidence in De Gaulle's abilities to solve the Algerian dilemma. "The majority in Algeria will give De Gaulle the moral position before the world to continue the war. We must answer--militarily, politically, and diplomatically," explained an F.L.N. member.

Soldiers on the Hustings. Aware that the phrase "Algerian-type election" has long been a byword for fraud, the Gaullists are making every effort to assure an honest count, have sent hundreds of volunteer election commissioners from France to administer the balloting. For the first time, De Gaulle has allowed Moslems and Frenchmen to vote on a single list, opened the voting to Moslem women.

The biggest campaigner for a oui vote is the French army in Algeria. Action units are distributing 3,000,000 political tracts, putting up 500,000 posters, scrawling Oui De Gaulle on every surface available. Propaganda films make the rounds of the villages, suggesting to women that a oui vote will put a new stove in every kitchen. Troops assemble the local population to warn them that non is a "vote for Communism." Even Commander in Chief Raoul Salan and his wife have taken to the hustings; Salan claims to have spoken to 2,000,000 people, telling them that "the Mediterranean crosses France the way the Seine crosses Paris," while his wife makes speeches to Moslem women.

Vote by Fear. The F.L.N. is as active as the French army. Orders have gone out to boycott the elections, and Moslems have been told to leave the towns and hide out in the hills and forests until after election day. The rebels warn that they will mine the roads leading to polling places and ambush trucks carrying voters into the towns. If Moslems are forced to go cast their ballots, the F.L.N. advises them to leave their registration cards at home. If nothing else is possible, they should vote no.

The vote this week may well be the first "honest" election ever held in Algeria. But, after four years of war and reprisals, attacks and counterattacks, terrorism and torture, it seems likely that the dominant sentiment of the Moslems will not be reason or political passion, but fear--fear of voting yes or no, fear of not voting yes or no, fear of not voting at all.

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