DEMOCRATS' DECISIVE DOZEN

With primaries done and cajoling begun, the leaders of the Democratic Party (formerly known as bosses) have stepped up their traveling, telephoning and lapel grabbing in search of additional convention votes. When delegates converge on Chicago in August to nominate a President, their decisions will be tempered by what these top dozen men say and do:

Harry S. Truman, 72, who as the last Democratic President is the party's elder statesman and top kingmaker, has been urged by some to run again himself. Though he declined a place in the Missouri delegation to preserve his much-advertised neutrality, Truman seems to be for Harriman, is angry at Stevenson for not following his advice in the past, has set in motion pro-Harriman drumbeating west of the Mississippi.

Carmine De Sapio, 47, boss of Tammany Hall, New York's secretary of state, the mastermind behind Averell Harriman. De Sapio controls almost all of New York State's massive 98 votes, is combing the hinterlands for more. He makes frequent trips to Washington to woo Southern legislators, leaves courtship in other areas to Harriman lieutenants who do not suffer the Tammany stigma.

Jacob M. Arvey, 60, of Chicago, Illinois National Committeeman, longtime power in state and national politics, the man who successfully plotted the course to Stevenson's 1952 nomination. Though Chicago's Mayor Richard Daley now marshals Illinois convention votes, Arvey will be tapped at convention, time as another elder statesman and shrewd strategist.

Frank E. McKinney, 52, Indianapolis banker, Harry Truman's hand-picked choice as Democratic National Chairman until he was ousted by the Stevensonites in 1952. He is convinced that Adlai is far from the popular choice, that the U.S. is a gold mine of unpanned Harriman strength, and he will be with Harriman until the bitter end. His battle cry to Harriman agents: "Don't sit back and let nature take its course; there is work to be done."

Robert B. Meyner, 47, Governor of New Jersey, the first Democratic boss to beat Estes Kefauver in this year's primaries. (He killed him with kindness.) Meyner controls probably two-thirds of New Jersey's 36 convention votes, was pro-Stevenson in 1952, this time is playing the wait-and-see game. He is vice-presidential possibility.

Walter Reutker, 48, vice president of the A.F.L.-C.I.O., president of its United Auto Workers, another 1952 Stevenson backer. Reuther has taken no official stand this year, is presumed still to like Adlai. But his anti-moderate attitude on civil rights sounds more and more like Harriman. Says Reuther: "Citizen Walter Reuther will not support the Democratic Party nationally if that party attempts to be all things to all men on civil rights."

Lyndon Joknson, 47, Senate majority leader, favorite son of the 56-vote Texas delegation. As spokesman for the South, Texan Johnson has the proxy for 200-odd Southern votes, will dangle them as reward for the most moderate approach to civil rights. Some Southerners see him a bona fide candidate. But Johnson, recovering like Eisenhower from a heart attack, would rather push the pawns. Says Lyndon in a guidance memorandum for his staff: "With few, rare exceptions the great political leaders of our country have been men of reconciliation--men who could hold their parties together." The description could fit Stevenson--or Lyndon--but not Harriman.

George Meany, 61, president of the A.F.L.-C.I.O., spokesman for 15 million U.S. union members, ex-officio participant in any Democratic conclave. Meany was for Stevenson in 1952, this time is noncommittal until his unions take a stand. He will appear before the platform committee at Chicago to discuss civil rights, insists he will avoid political infighting during his visit.

Paul Ziffren, 42, National Committeeman from California, boss of Los Angeles Democrats, onetime law partner of Jake Arvey, and youngest member of the inner guard. Stevenson's California victory gave Ziffren national stature; California's 68-vote delegation makes him another big state leader to be listened to.

G. Mennen ("Soapy") Williams, 45, Governor of Michigan, leader of the 44-vote Michigan delegation. Next to Harriman, Williams is the strongest anti-moderate in the Democratic Party, will go to Chicago armed with the recent Michigan resolution on civil rights and zeal for a strong stand on that key issue.

David. Lawrence, 67, three-term mayor of Pittsburgh, longtime power at Democratic conventions, an original Stevensonian in 1952 and ever since then one of Adlai's most ardent supporters. Lawrence controls better than half of Pennsylvania's 74-vote delegation, has gained persuasive prestige in some other states through long party activity.

Sam Raykurn, 74, Speaker of the House of Representatives, who will be permanent chairman of the Democratic National Convention, and mainstay of Democratic National Chairman Paul Butler. Privately Mister Sam leans towards Stevenson, frequently offers Adlai advice and information. This year he cannot give him an official blessing; as a Texan, he is pledged to Favorite Son Lyndon Johnson until Johnson decides to release his delegates. especially those won in uncontested primaries, almost certainly will move.

Two for Second. As the wooing of candidates began, there was new speculation about second place on the ticket. Nobody warmly wanted Kefauver since he has been a loser in such varied states as Florida, New Jersey. Oregon and California. Politicos still speculate that Averell Harriman, the nonmoderate New Yorker, would need a border-state moderate, e.g., Stuart Symington. As a moderate from the Middle West. Adlai Stevenson could use a running mate from a big city in the East, e.g., Massachusetts' U.S. Senator John Kennedy, 39. or New York City's Mayor Robert F. Wagner, 46. While their religion (both are Catholics) has been considered a disqualification ever since the Al Smith disaster in 1928. many Democrats now agree that this prejudice (if indeed that was the main reason for Tammany-backed, anti-Prohibitionist Al Smith's defeat) no longer applies. In fact, some supporters of Adlai Stevenson think that a Catholic on the ticket might neutralize whatever qualms Catholics may feel about the 1952 charges, likely to be repeated this time, that the Democrats were guilty of softness to Communism.

This week Adlai Stevenson, who confessed that he was "very, very tired'' after the primary battles, had rested in California and was back at home base. His team was busy making plans for its own strategy in the new phase of the delegate hunt. Having vanquished one opponent in the primaries, Stevenson now has to face his new foe in the next round. The battle is expected to be sharp and hard. In the light of the President's new illness, Democrats will consider the presidential nomination a much richer prize.

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