Show of Hands

West Germany's Chancellor Konrad Adenauer went to London the leader of an occupied country. He returned last week proudly bearing pledges of restored sovereignty for his people and equality for his country in the company of free nations. But the triumphant traveler came home to no public jubilation, no dancing in the streets, no volleys of cheers.

The Germans were saving their cheers for the time when the French showed that they were willing to stand by the new and more liberal pledges of the London Conference.

Undaunted by the reserve of his countrymen, Old Chancellor Adenauer made an optimistic report to his Bundestag: "The crisis of the Western community has, we hope, been happily overcome." He bade it give its approval to the London agreement.

In brooding purposefulness, the poorly led Social Democrats then parceled out their ammunition and unslung their weapons to fight Adenauer over the London agreement just as they had so long fought him over EDC--because, they insisted, West Germany's rearmament in the camp of the West would kill the last hope of German unification. Just before the Socialists' offensive jumped off, Russia's Foreign Minister Vyacheslav Molotov dropped down on East Berlin's airport and produced from his briefcase a diplomatic time bomb designed to derail the London agreement.

Forward Not a Foot. The Soviet Union, he announced, wants a new four-power conference on German reunification and is even "willing to discuss" the West's proposals for free elections. The death of EDC, explained Molotov suavely, had created "new possibilities of reconciliation." But if West Germany went ahead with rearmament, he warned, "the restoration of German unity would become impossible." The new Soviet gesture was itself evidence of how much Molotov feared the strength that West Germany would add to the West's alliance. But the Social Democrats, as Molotov had doubtless intended, happily snatched up his bomb and hurled it at Adenauer.

Molotov's offer showed a "real change" in Russian policy, cried inept, porky Socialist Leader Erich Ollenhauer. The London agreement was better than EDC, he conceded, because the British were brought in and the Germans have control of their army. But "we Social Democrats believe that the federal republic should not accept any new obligations in connection with Western defense before new serious attempts are made by negotiations with the Soviet Union to solve the question of German reunification on the basis of free elections ..." Replied Adenauer: The four powers had met five times since 1947 "and have brought us forward not a foot."

The Socialists' No. 2 man, respected Professor Carlo Schmid, argued that Germany must not take sides in the cold war but should help to end it. "Germany can maintain normal, neighborly relations on all sides. It can keep the blocs further apart ..." Schmid insisted. "Germany must be so strong as to tip the scales in favor of an alliance partner." Snapped Konrad Adenauer: "Let's not overestimate ourselves."

"Freedom of Alliances." After six hours of debate, crusty Konrad Adenauer staged his counterattack. "We have finally ended occupation," he cried. All but the Socialists roared approval. "Fifty million brave, industrious, diligent people are now returned to freedom." He quoted earlier Ollenhauer speeches in which the Socialist leader endorsed German participation in Western European defense. "Propaganda!" yelled a Socialist. Der Alte looked at the Deputy in mock amazement. "Who, me? Why, I'm just reading from an Ollenhauer speech," he said in a tone of injured innocence. The House laughed.

After eleven hours of debate, carried to the public by radio and TV, the Bundestag was ready to declare itself. It was not even necessary to count the votes: by a decisive show of hands, the Bundestag proved its confidence in Chancellor Adenauer's policy.

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