France & the Schuman Plan

Above the squabbles of Europe, and its own internal jealousies, the voice of France sounded bold and clear last week. By a thumping 377-233 majority, the French National Assembly ratified Foreign Minister Robert Schuman's two-year-old plan to pool Europe's coal and steel resources. It was proof--and proof was badly needed--that France can still take the lead in Europe when boldly led herself.

Champion of the fight for ratification was Premier Rene Pleven, an astute, dedicated "European." He had plenty of opposition. "A capitalist supermonopoly, controlled by American high finance," blustered Communist Deputy Florimond Bonte on the left. "Let's wait," argued the Gaullists on the right. "First we must organize Europe politically."

For three days and two nights of debate, the Premier out-talked and outmaneuvered his opponents. He made the Schuman Plan a vote of confidence in his government. "We are not talking of trial marriage," he explained. "We want to create indissoluble economic bonds. You, gentlemen, you will not refuse Europe this first and perhaps only chance to live." Pleven cozened the Peasant Deputies by promising bigger farm loans, made sure of the Socialists by agreeing to drop income taxes on low-income groups. The debate waxed emotional. An Independent accused the government of selling out to the Germans: "We give to Germany what she desires, and we renounce our own dead." Pleven got to his feet and solemnly replied: "Our dead did not die in order that all should begin as before." When the plan was approved, Rene Pleven said proudly: "France remains the great sower of ideas."

Barriers to Be Broken. The Schuman Plan, perhaps the most imaginative postwar act of European statesmanship, is intended to bind the six West European nations into a single U.S.-size "coal and steel community," able to produce 220 million tons of coal and 38 million tons of steel each year. Within this vast integrated market (total pop. 155 million) there will be no customs duties on coal and steel shipments, and miners and steelworkers will be able to move freely without passports or visas. A supranational High Authority of nine "stateless technocrats" (no more than two from any one country) will be set up to run the giant combine. Its duties: 1) to supply coal and steel to all member nations "on equal terms"; 2) to modernize and increase production and productivity. Unlike most international bodies, the Schuman Plan High Authority will have teeth of its own. It will be responsible to a 78-man Assembly elected by the six national Parliaments, but its decisions will be enforceable (by fines) on all members of the pool. It will have power to close down inefficient and wasteful enterprises within the pool.

Battles to Be Won. Ruhr industrialists, French steel kings, militant trade unionists, patriotic Germans, patriotic French--could they work together for the common good? The amount of resistance to the Schuman Plan is a measure of how much it asks. The Dutch have approved it; the Italians are ready to. But Belgium and Luxembourg resist. So does West Germany, biggest steel and coal producer in continental Europe. Konrad Adenauer was forced last week to postpone a vote on the Schuman Plan until January, and without Germany the Plan will not work. Yet France had been the highest hurdle. Clearing it was exciting progress that would make the next hurdles easier.

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