Monday, Nov. 20, 1950

Bridgehead to Moscow?

Bearded, handsome Alexei Pavlov, Soviet ambassador to France, was hard at work on an important diplomatic assignment: to delicately cozen France out of full and effective partnership in the Atlantic coalition. In talks with Premier Rene Pleven and Alexandre Parodi, secretary general of the French Foreign Ministry, Pavlov smoothly reminded his listeners that France, by geography as well as diplomatic tradition, is the logical bridgehead for East-West reconciliation. What Pavlov did not say, Pleven and Parodi knew: that France is the weakest link in Western European defense.

A Possible Bargain. Pavlov hinted that Russia would order the French Reds to muffle their attacks on the French government. In return, France would be expected to continue her opposition to Western German rearmament, and France would support Russia's propaganda offensive for a new Big Four meeting. Provided these Big-Power talks succeeded in lulling the West into postponing rearmament, Moscow would increase France's reward by calling off the Viet Minh in Indo-China.

Last week, without waiting for any bargain to be struck, and just as a tender of its good faith, Moscow gave French Reds their halting orders. The results were immediately apparent. Measures which ordinarily would have provoked Red fury brought only formal reaction. Four Red mayors of Paris arrondissements were dismissed, the U.S. Army got port facilities for transshipping arms to Germany. But Red Boss Jacques Duclos kept looking the image of smiling bonhomie.

For Third Force politicians who sometimes like to imagine themselves aloof from the East-West struggle, Moscow's quid pro quo had some points of attraction. For instance: weak Third Force governments are terrified of asking the French people to pay the new, heavy taxes required for thoroughgoing rearmament.

A Possible Trend. A few straws indicated that Pavlov's courtship was having some effect on Premier Pleven, who" is an honest and intelligent man, but hardly strong. On the question of another Big Four meeting, Pleven's own paper, Petit Bleu des Cotes-du-Nord, editorialized: "Does the Soviet government accept the responsibility of an armaments race between the two Germanies? ... If there were only one chance in a thousand of succeeding, the role of French diplomacy is to seek a reply to that question . . ."

Le Monde last week requoted a statement made by Pleven on Oct. 24: "Direct contacts between the U.S., Great Britain, Soviet Russia and France would be useful . . ."

Pleven's presence at the October revolution celebration at the Soviet embassy did not correct the growing impression made by such statements.

By week's end, in Washington and Paris, U.S. officials were putting on counterpressure to win back the ground gained by Pavlov.

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