How to Use a Checkbook

Last week, standing firmly on good Midwestern earth, an American farmer viewed the world beyond the flat horizon. He had just finished three days' work, at an average of 16 hours a day, plowing and planting corn; he had even rigged up lights on his tractor so he could work nights, getting his crops in the ground. He considered the Marshall Plan they were discussing over there in Paris, and said:

"We can't feed the whole world. I don't mind sending them some food when they are hungry, but I'm beginning to wonder whether they work as hard in their fields as I do."

No, No, No. The farmer had missed the point of the Marshall Plan. In the long run, it was not designed to send food to the Europeans, but tractors and other things which would permit Europeans to work harder and produce more. That is why the Marshall Plan had galvanized the hopes of a continent that had almost forgotten how to hope.

Last week in Paris, the plan found an enemy--Russia. For years, Vyacheslav Molotov had been saying no and no and no to any plans for international cooperation (see cut). In Paris last week, he said no again. The difference was that this time he was obstructing a program that Europe's plain people clearly understood and desperately wanted.

Molotov had hurried to Paris with an 89-man staff (including five bodyguards), which had been assembled overnight with Stakhanovite speed. At first, it looked as though Molotov intended to play along with the American plan for a while, and later try to shift the onus of a possible failure on to the U.S. How that might happen was explained by one diplomat in Paris: "Ice cream would have a better chance of surviving in hell than a big credit plan which includes the Russians would have in the U.S. Congress."

During the first meeting around the brand-new green baize (the old cloth had been stolen by a souvenir hunter after last year's peace conference), Molotov sat and listened to Bevin and Bidault. They wanted to establish international commissions to Marshall-plan European recovery on a continental basis. Then, with instructions from the Kremlin, Molotov spoke.

No Intervention. He demanded that the U.S. be asked how much she was prepared to give before Europe declared how much she needed. The representative of the world's first planned state came out flatly against any international planning, because it would constitute "interference with other nations' internal affairs." He demanded that each European nation assess its own national needs, and then forward the bill to the U.S.

Tass echoed his speech: "The Soviet people is successfully carrying out its postwar Stalin Five year Plan. This insures a steady rise of the material and cultural well-being of the Soviet people. . . .* Other European countries are now engaged in [similar] plans. . . . The Soviet Union . . . more than once offered resistance to attempts at foreign intervention. . . ."

No Thanks. That did it. Bevin flatly rejected Molotov's dilatory proposals. Roared he: "How would the Soviet Union like it if she were asked for a blank check?" The British broke the conference's strict news blackout with an announcement that the session had ended in "complete disagreement."

There remained only a faint possibility of compromise with the Russians. Paris had been the last chance for One Europe (a U.S. reporter had dubbed the Parrot Salon, where the Ministers met, the "Last Chance Saloon"). For those nations which wanted to take part, the U.S. could push the Marshall Plan ahead without Russia. Eastern European nations would be forced by Russia to stay out. If western and central Europe recovered more rapidly, eastern Europeans would not thank Russia for blocking their recovery. It would be years before Russia, recovering very slowly (see FOREIGN NEWS), could help her satellites. Meanwhile, Uncle Sam had found a way to use his checkbook where it would do the most good.

* In a formal farewell party, the city of Minsk marked the demise of an organization which had also contributed to the Soviet people's wellbeing, and that of 15 other nations. After 3 1/2 years of work, UNRRA ceased operations (except in China) this week. It had spent nearly $3 billion, 72% of which had been contributed by the U.S.

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