Getting Along in the Capitol

Few decisive U.S. Presidents have ever got along well with Congress. Harry Truman was still trying hard last week, and still getting his shins kicked.

His Reorganization bill, which six months ago asked for powers to streamline the overlapping, bureau-ridden executive branches of the war government, finally inched past the Senate. But its final form was still uncertain. Both the Senate and the House had made changes that galled the President (e.g., the Senate wanted to exempt the Maritime Commission from reorganization; the House wanted to exempt the Veterans Administration). Now the bill would have to go back to a joint conference for further chewing.

While all this was going on, the President sent a message urging Congress to pass a bill that may add a chapter to the quietly discordant history of the 79th Congress. It was the Wagner-Murray-Dingell Bill for a national health insurance plan, to be paid in part by compulsory salary deductions, in part from the Treasury, i.e., by added taxes. The bill, enthusiastically backed by Harry Truman, would guarantee medical care and hospitalization to every U.S. citizen working for a living, and for his dependents.

Which Is It? The President's message was Page One news and good fodder for editorial writers and plain citizens. Some saw it as a wise and forward-looking extension of the New Deal. Others took no sides, but thought the plan deserved thorough study. Still others, sick & tired of having government do things for folks that they might be doing for themselves, took a dim view of Harry Truman's adventure.

Many a Congressman doubted that the bill would ever pass, if for no other reason than that it meant more taxes. Among those who hoped they were right were 1) the bulk of physicians, who mortally hate & fear any more entanglement with government; 2) the many privately managed and non-profit associations for hospitalization and medical care which are rapidly spreading their health service over the country and financing it from employes' voluntary payroll deductions.

With other legislation, onetime Congressional favorite Harry Truman was making about the same speed (not one bill of major import reached the White House last week). Sample stymies:

P: The President had wanted to keep administration of the U.S. Employment Service in federal hands for six more months. The House voted to return it to the states in 30 days; the Senate, in 120 days.

P: The House Expenditures subcommittee struck all "assurance" of jobs from the President's full employment bill, cut out his right to submit an annual job budget. Amid all the nays and maybes, the one House Judiciary Committee "yea" (extending the Second War Powers Act for six months from Dec. 31) sounded faint indeed. But Harry Truman was mighty glad to hear it.

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