Democracy's Week

Democrats, fond of a fight, always begin their national campaigns on the anniversary of a battle that ended the war. In a grassy field below New Orleans on the early morning of Jan. 8, 1815 Major General Andrew Jackson with 4,000 raw recruits beat off two sharp attacks of 5.000 British veterans under Major General Sir Edward Michael Pakenham. Although the War of 1812 had officially ended 15 days prior, that engagement brought popular glory to General Jackson, started him toward the White House and Democratic sainthood. Last week on the anniversary of the Battle of New Orleans 2,150 Democrats, true to party custom, assembled in Washington for a great feast at which they revered "Old Hickory" and the past, dedicated themselves to the future and the job of ousting Herbert Hoover from the White House.

It was a week of much Democratic news. Before the Jackson Day dinner there were important party sound-offs and developments. After it the National Committee met to deal with political practicalities. But for one long evening at least the whole party seemed united in happy harmony with every speech keynoted to victory. For once the Democratic diners really felt that they had more than a good chance to win ten months hence.

Repast. At the Mayflower Hotel (where lives Vice President Curtis) three great rooms were needed in which to feed the Democratic multitude. All eyes were on the head table where sat the party's three last defeated nominees for president --James Middleton Cox (1920), John William Davis (1924), Alfred Emanuel Smith (1928). There also sat John Jacob Raskob, the national chairman; Mrs. Woodrow Wilson, in black taffeta and wearing a jewelled brooch of peace doves; House Speaker Garner, stiff and uncomfortable in evening clothes; Senator Robinson, many another party favorite. The meal over, tables were cleared and Claude Bowers, now an editorial writer for William Randolph Hearst's New York Journal, arose to open a lively revel of partisan oratory.

Revelry. Toastmaster Bowers began the attack on the Republican President and his party by mockingly recalling the G. O. Promises of G. O. Prosperity in 1928. He read half-forgotten campaign advertisements--"A Chicken in Every Pot," "Two Cars in Every Garage," "Republican efficiency has filled the workingman's dinner pail and his gasoline tank besides, has made telephone, radio and sanitary plumbing standard household equipment"--and then proceeded to compare them caustically with existing economic conditions. He accused the Administration of giving "human misery the absent treatment," ridiculed Republican Chairman Fess's plan to "sell Hoover to the country" as smacking "too much of a bankruptcy sale."

Mr. Davis' speech was dignified, scholarly, slightly trite. His delivery was frequently impeded by a choking cough. He divided Republican rule into three eras --"Dark Betrayal'' (1920-24), "Smug Self-Complacency" (1924-29), "Wild Dismay" (1929-32).

Mr. Cox vigorously flayed Prohibition, lauded Woodrow Wilson and stirred Southern wrath when he exhorted that section to "call political ecclesiastics back to the pulpits that truth may go to your people."

"Record," Headline speech of the dinner was. of course, by Mr. Smith. His delivery, even down to slips of grammar, had hardly changed a whit since the 1928 campaign. He asked questions for him self to answer, made repeated references to "the record." The crowd was uproariously with him from the beginning. Excerpts:

"Well, what became of the old full din ner pail? . . . Bank failures blazed in the headlines of every newspaper across the country, bankruptcy proceedings,, fore closures on mortgages, depreciation in the value of prime securities, paralysis of busi ness & industry and. topping it all, 7,000,000 men out of work. . . . The Administration plans for the relief of unemploy ment are indefensible. . . . Why, they passed the question along to the States. localities and private charities [which] cannot cope with the situation. . . . Now, what is the record of these two forms of relief? First is relief in the home; second is what we call 'made work.' . . . Home re lief is a dole. 'Made work' is a dole in disguise. . . . Private charity can go only a certain distance, when the Federal Gov ernment must step in. . . .

"What I'm going to suggest will be received probably with an unpopular vote -- and that is an issue of Federal bonds for necessary public works and buildings. . . . The bonds can be offered by the Government direct to the people with the same patriotic appeal that was put behind the Liberty bonds. . . . They will pull out the hoarded money in sugar bowls, between the mattresses and in safe deposit boxes. . . . If it is all right to put the credit of the Government behind business, let the credit of the Government be used to keep the wolf of hunger from the doormat of millions of people. . . .

"Now what about Prohibition? [Here Mr. Smith took an ostentatious stoup of water while his audience whooped.] null actually spending $100,000,000 a year in a senseless, useless, fruitier attempt to enforce an unenforceable statute. Who says that? Why. the Wickersham Commission! [Loud laughter.] Think of the billions we're kicking away from us that would come in in taxation. . . . The only man who is going to be safe during March when you have to make all them [sic] figures up is the bootlegger!

"Let us express the hope that this group of representative Democrats, gathered in the capital city tonight on the birthday of a great American, a great Democrat and a great President-- express the firm hope that Divine Providence will inspire the mass of American people to a renewal of confidence in the aims and purposes of the Democratic party, to the end that we may supply the leadership that will light the way to progress, peace and prosperity. . . ."

Roosevelt. Notably absent from the Jackson Day dinner was Governor Franklin Delano Roosevelt who continued to pretend that he was not the out-in-front candidate for the presidential nomination. When asked at Albany if he would listen to the broadcast of the Washington speeches, he parried: "My radio is out of order."

But two days before the Democratic gathering at the capital Governor Roosevelt delivered his regular message to his Legislature. In its references to the national scene, apart from its delineation of a program for the State, it was just the sort of paper to be expected from a conventional presidential candidate--care- fully balanced, shrewdly generalized, replete with phrases like bright empty bottles into which any man could pour his own meaning. Newsmen, overanxious to make a "story," outdid themselves reading national significance into his words. Excerpts:

"We face the necessity of employing new measures of value, new comparisons of property. . . . We know now that an increasing concentration of wealth did not guarantee an intelligent or fair use of that wealth. . . . The public asks that they be given a new leadership which will give definite recognition to a new balance based on the right of every individual to make a living out of life. . . . The complete solving of these economic problems which are national in scope is impossible without leadership and a plan and action by the national Government. . . . We should not seek in any way to destroy or tear down. The American system of economics and government is everlasting. . . . Let us restore and at the same time remodel. The times call for a leadership which insists on the permanence of our fundamental institutions. . . . The mistakes of the past call for ... a leadership, practical, sound, courageous and alert."

No newsman has watched Governor Roosevelt's career more intently or knows his political character better than Walter Lippmann, former editor of the old Independent New York World, now a free-handed political colyumist for the arch-Republican New York Herald Tribune. Commenting last week on the fact that the Governor's message won the praise of such divergent elements as the staid New York Times and Montana's wild and unstable Senator Wheeler, Mr. Lippmann wrote:

"The art of carrying water on both shoulders is highly developed in American politics and Mr. Roosevelt has learned it. ... [He] is a highly impressionable person, without a firm grasp of public affairs and without very strong convictions. ... He is not the dangerous enemy of anything ... no crusader ... no tribune of the people ... no enemy of entrenched privilege. He is a pleasant man who, without any important qualifications for the office, would very much like to be President. ... It is meaningless for him to talk about 'leadership practical, sound, courageous and alert.' . . . Those who think he can supply such leadership are playing their hunches."

Ritchie. Far less coy than the New York executive about his presidential candidacy was Governor Albert Cabell ("Bert") Ritchie of Maryland. At Baltimore's Concord Club on Jackson Day's eve he and his noisy admirers met for dinner. To him they sang:

You're going to be elected, Albert mine, Albert mine!

It is just as we expected, Albert mine, Albert mine.

For in spite of Mellon's tin, Herbert Hoover and his kin,

The Democrats will win, Albert mine, Albert mine.

"There is no room for false modesty," declared Governor Ritchie when his turn came to reply. "I would like to be President. Who wouldn't?"

As the first Democratic candidate squarely in the field, he then proceeded to reiterate his major views: States' rights; an end to Prohibition; no public ownership of anything; no government unemployment insurance; no War debt cancellation; lower tariff rates. An orthodox and conservative Democrat, he roundly flayed, without specifications, "Republican evasion, inaction and blundering in Washington."

Next night he went to the big party dinner in Washington, got more applause when he entered the Mayflower dining room a half hour late, than did Al Smith himself who arrived only five minutes late.

Raskob. Day after the Mayflower dinner the Democratic National Committee assembled at the same hotel to transact campaign business. Earlier in the week Chairman Raskob announced the result of a Prohibition questionnaire he had sent to 77,500 contributors to the party fund four years ago. Of the 25.578 replies, 93% favored resubmission of the issue to the people. But Chairman Raskob was bent on party harmony at any price. Therefore he decided against inciting another angry Dry flare-up within the party such as occurred at last March's meeting when he pressed his "home rule" plan too far into the South's face (TIME, March 16). This time he advanced an innocuous proposal for a referendum by State conventions which committed his party to nothing. The committee referred the proposition to the national convention, without recommendation or even reading. For once intense peace brooded over a Democratic council.

Then began the auction of the convention among ambitious cities. The Roosevelt forces favored Kansas City. San Francisco was also in the lists. Atlantic City talked big about a $200,000 guarantee fund. Chicago offered $150.000, the same price with which it had secured the Republican National Convention (TIME, Dec. 28). After much jockeying Chicago was selected but only after it had been forced to raise its bid $50,000 to the Atlantic City level. The date: June 27, a fortnight after the G. O. P. meeting. For bagging both conventions for his city, chief credit was given to Edward Nash Hurley.

Other committee doings: 1) a denial by Chairman Raskob that he was trying to form a Raskob-Smith-Shouse clique within the party to block Governor Roosevelt's nomination; 2) an increase in convention delegates from 1,062 to 1,116 as a result of congressional reapportionment; 3) selection of Robert Jackson of New Hampshire, a Roosevelt supporter, to be secretary of the national committee.

Resources. Reported also last week was the state of Democratic national finances for 1931.* Income: $1,032.267; outgo: $1.030,486. The committee borrowed from its chairman $122,000, bringing the Raskob loans up to $345,250; from County Trust Co. of New York (of which Mr. Smith is board chairman) $835.318 largely to refinance earlier obligations there. Individuals contributed $68,781 during the year. Largest amount: $25.000 from Vincent Astor, owner of much real estate in Tammany town.

Results? Polled by Publishers' Service Magazine were 582 newspaper editors throughout the land as to their political forecasts for 1932. Last week these results were announced: Democratic victory, 300; Republican victory. 143; Hoover nomination by Republicans, 320; Coolidge nomination, 19; Dawes nomination, 10/-; Roosevelt nomination by Democrats, 154; Baker nomination, 132; Ritchie nomination, 22; Smith nomination, 12.

* Mr. Smith erred. Andrew Tackson was born March 15, 1767.

* Last week in New York the U. S. Attorney (Republican) announced that Democrats escaped prosecution by one day under the statute of limitations for violation of the Corrupt Practices Act in reporting their 1928 campaign expenditures. An accounting had failed to itemize a pay roll.

/- For other news of Ambassador Dawes, see P-9-

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