New Policy?

When a shipment of machine guns from Tokyo to Japanese troops in Manchuria was ordered last week by War Minister General Jiro Minami, his War Office stated: "These machine guns are being sent to relieve Japanese troops in Manchuria who are suffering from overwork."

When a squadron of Japanese planes bombed Chinese troops near a bridge on the Chinese-owned Taonan-Angangki Railway 350 miles northwest of Mukden, the staff office of General Honjo, Japanese Commander in Manchuria, declared, "The Taonan-Angangki Railway was built in 1925 with capital borrowed from the Japanese-owned Southern Manchuria Railway. . . . Chinese troops had been reported as about to blow up the bridge. Our airmen were ordered, before they took off, to do whatever they could to protect Japanese rights and investments. . . . The Chinese fired upon our pilots who replied with bombs in self defense."

What with all the wear & tear on General Honjo and his overworked soldiers, the Japanese Government sent former War Minister General Yoshinori Shirakawa into Manchuria "to cheer our troops and inquire into the restraint of General Honjo."

What sense did all this make? Did Japan intend to commit acts of war (explained as acts of protection) indefinitely? On the contrary, there was reason to suppose that Japan might not have to maintain her ambiguous attitude much longer. Last week she kept a catlike watch on Shanghai. For in China a new Government was forming. Japanese Foreign Minister Baron Shidehara remembers a conversation in his office last summer with Mr. Eugene Chen, who may be China's next Foreign Minister. The Imperial Government would like a chance to negotiate the future of Manchuria with a Chinese Government that would negotiate-- instead of appealing to Heaven and the League.

Cantonese Realists. Wallowing through a great storm which considerably delayed her, the S. S. President Madison brought to Shanghai last week almost the whole Canton (South China) Government. In the sanctuary of the International Settlement they prudently stopped. Not being able to slaughter them, Nanking President Chiang Kai-shek hopped into his private plane, flew over to Shanghai and extended an effusive welcome, which did not fool the Cantonese. Began a great All China Unification Conference.

In Shanghai well posted Chinese insisted, somewhat to the surprise of Occidental observers, that following Conference results might be considered certain:

1) President Chiang will resign his office, becoming Chinese Generalissimo, and the new President will be a Cantonese, possibly either the venerable Tang Shao-yi or the belligerent Hu Han-min.

2) Canton, uniting with Nanking (which the Great Powers recognize as the Government of China), will dictate a new Chinese foreign policy with Eugene Chen as Foreign Minister. Should Mr. Chen prove unacceptable to Chinese public opinion another man might get the post; but Canton would insist on direct dealings with Japan and possibly Russia.

Mr. Chen, born in the West Indies, educated in London and "not a Chinese at all" according to his enemies, said on landing at Shanghai, "I believe in facing facts. Japan's position in Manchuria is a fact. China, having no military force,* must depend on diplomatic means to settle the Manchurian affair. China must ally herself with nations willing to cope with the Japanese Imperialists."

Reds Waiting. Roaming Mr. Chen has been at Moscow as well as Tokyo. If Baron Shidehara welcomed last week the advent of a Chinese realist with whom he could negotiate, the Japanese Foreign Minister did not welcome a possibility that Mr. Chen may have obtained promises of Soviet backing.

Such promises would have to be somewhat discounted. Russia does not want an Asiatic war just now. But Josef Stalin does have 5,000 Red Army troops encamped along the Russo-Manchurian frontier.

* An accurate description of most of China's 1,800,000 rag tag & bobtail soldiers.

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