Twelfth Assembly

The grave delegates to the League of Nations Assembly emerged from their hotels in Geneva last week and took their seats in the draughty Secretariat building for the League's twelfth annual session. Neatly printed on all of their desks was a list of 22 matters which they must consider in the next few weeks. These matters included:

No. 4--Progressive codification of international law.

No. 6--Amendments to the covenant in order to bring it into harmony with the Kellogg Pact.

No. 9--A request for the League's help in the international reform of penal administration.

No. 14--Annual world report on slavery.

No. 15--The nationality of women married to foreigners.

No. 22--Work of the international cinematograph institute at Rome.

The most important thing the League delegates did last week was not on the list at all. Mexico was admitted to membership.

The distinction of membership in the League of Nations costs a country's treasury anywhere from $45,000 a year (for little nations like Costa Rica or Liberia) to $450,000 a year (Britain, France and other great powers). Five years ago frugal Costa Rica decided that even $45,000 was more than a League membership was worth, withdrew in a huff when she was dunned for nonpayment of dues. Mexico thought it was worth while. Fat Foreign Minister Genaro Estrada, who surprised his friends last year by marrying a Mexico City socialite, cabled formal acceptance to President of the Assembly Nicolas Titulesco. The message contained a carefully wrapped lemon for the U. S.:

". . . In reply I inform you that Mexico has been absent from your high organization due to causes apart from any lack of the spirit of cooperation and immediately accepts the reparation you offer.* She therefore accepts membership in the League on the terms you announce, and offers a loyal spirit of friendship. . . .

"Mexico considers it necessary to accompany her act of acceptance with the declaration that she has never 'admitted the regional understanding mentioned in Article XXI of the League covenant."

Article XXI specifies that "regional understandings" shall not be affected by the League covenant. The regional understanding that Mexico was not admitting is, of course, the Monroe Doctrine, distasteful to proud Latin Americans because of its implication that Latin American countries are not capable of guarding their own interests from European aggression. Washington was not particularly soured by Minister Estrada's lemon. From the State Department came an unofficial statement that no matter how Mexico feels about it, the Monroe Doctrine will remain in effect.

After the admission of Mexico there were speeches. Three were important. Dino Grandi, Italy's black-fringed young Foreign Minister, stood up and proposed "that all nations should reach an immediate general agreement with a view to arriving at the suspension of the execution of their new armament programs," at least until the end of the approaching dis armament conference in February. German delegates applauded wildly, but other wise, like most suggestions that the League members should actually do something, the speech was greeted with shocked silence.

Viscount Cecil of Great Britain had a word to say about the Depression, the Hoover Moratorium, the Wiggin Report, and Franco-German amity. Said he:

"The dominant need of the moment is to revive international investments. This must be done not in a period of years but of months or even weeks or else one country after another will be forced into some form of extended moratoria which may endanger the whole system on which the world's economic life is based.

"If there could be a real rapprochement between France and Germany, not only in words but in action, that would remove, I world." believe, 75% of the political unrest of the world."

The League's darling, foxy old Aristide Briand of France, made his first public appearance since his recent illness and spoke potent words:

"It is thanks to the League that tomorrow the French statesmen will be called to go to Germany and that there in conversations under the eyes of the peoples themselves one can lay the bases of collaboration which will be not merely words, but really practical and efficacious."

There were cheers. Word had just been published that Brer Briand and Premier Laval had finally made up their minds to visit Berlin on Sept. 27 and 28, first visit of leading French statesmen to the German capital since Napoleon entered the city 125 years ago as commander of the French army.

Friends of the League's judicial branch, the World Court, were chagrined last week to realize how completely the theoretically dispassionate judges of the court had split into political cliques in denying Austria and Germany's right to a Customs Union (TIME. March 30 et seq.). The vote:

For the Union Against

U. S. A. France

Great Britain Italy

Japan Poland

Germany Rumania

The Netherlands Spain

China Colombia

Belgium Salvador

Cuba

"It must be admitted," wrote the strongly pro-Court New York Times, "that this almost equal division . . . when asked to interpret a treaty, does not heighten its prestige."

*In 1919, when the League was formed, Mexico was suffering one of her periodic revolutions, and, considered unworthy by lantern-jawed President Wilson, was not invited to join. Last week in Geneva, bald, eagle-beaked Viscount Cecil publicly admitted his partial responsibility for this slight, apologized.

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