Last of the 70th

The country's biennial anachronism, another "lame duck" Congress, prepared to sit in Washington. In the Senate, the anachronism was particularly visible. Instead of the clear Republican majority elected by the people in November, the Senate will function until March with Republicans and Democrats almost even in power, with the balance resting on insurgent Republicans and Minnesota's Farmer-Laborite dentist, Senator Shipstead.

The House has 77 lame-ducks this year, the Senate 11. Yet the absurdity of running the nation's business by a time-table drawn up before there were railroads and highways passable in winter, is not so apparent in the House as in the Senate. When the 71st Congress sits next year, the Republican House majority will be much larger but no more decisive than the margin of twoscore seats on which the Republican 70th Congress operated last session and will resume operating next week. The impropriety of voters being "represented" from December to March by individuals whom they have voted in November to replace, is seldom so glaring in the House as it is in the Senate, except when there is a complete party overthrow as in 1920. Being a much larger body than the Senate, the House depends far more than the Senate upon internal organization for its functioning. The master men of this internal organization must be individuals who have repeatedly been re-elected and thus gained seniority, experience, prestige in the House. It is seldom that a Representative of any considerable standing or influence in the House reports in Washington for the Short Session as a lame duck. When this does happen, it is usually because the Representative has aspired to higher office. Such is the case of the outstanding "lame duck" who will take his seat next week, Representative Finis J. Garrett of Tennessee, Democratic floor-leader. Representative Garrett tried, unsuccessfully, to slip into the seat of Tennessee's Senator McKellar. Representative Tom Connolly, who will slip into the seat of Senator Mayfield after this session, might be called a three-legged duck.

Mechanism. In theory the House is run by a Speaker, a Majority Leader, a Minority Leader, the Rules Committee, the chairmen of the several committees--and an unofficial body known as the Republican Steering Committee. In actual practice the legislative program is framed and executed by a small group of insiders who constitute "the works" of the House. Some are prominent, some merely proficient. All are influential, in that they control important blocs of votes on the House floor. This inner group is an indefinite organization, based largely on personal relationships. It operates more by common consent than by formal sanction. It frames the House's policies, decides which measures it wants to pass--and can pass--and in what order they will be taken up.

Mechanics. Fifteen men who run the present House, whom the balance of the membership follows without much protest, are the following:

Speaker Longworth.

Tilson of Connecticut, Republican Floor Leader.

Snell of New York, chairman of the Rules Committee.

Wood of Indiana, acting chairman of the Appropriations Committee.

Bacharach of New Jersey, Ways & Means member.

Mapes of Michigan, Interstate Commerce member.

Griest of Pennsylvania, chairman of the Post Office Committee.

Parker of New York, chairman of the Interstate Commerce Committee.

Elliott of Indiana, chairman of the Public Buildings Committee.

Dickinson of Iowa, Appropriations member.

Hawley of Oregon, chairman of the Ways & Means Committee.

Hoch of Kansas, Interstate Commerce member.

Newton of Minnesota, Interstate Commerce member.

Britten of Illinois, Naval Affairs member.

Lehlbach of New Jersey, chairman of the Civil Service Committee.

In addition to these 15 Republicans, there are a few Democrats who, as spokesmen for the minority, are frequently consulted as to what the majority is going to do. The majority does not barge ahead ruthlessly without warning to the minority. If possible all legislative arrangements are worked out amicably in advance--so amicably in fact that oldtime partisanship is on the decline in the House. The three outstanding Democrats besides lame-duck Leader Garrett, are:

Garner of Texas, ranking minority member of Ways & Means.

Byrns of Tennessee, ranking minority member of Appropriations.

Pou of North Carolina, ranking minority member of Rules.

Gadflies. Besides its busy, responsible bees, the House has several gadflies--members who are constantly stirring up trouble, trying to force unpleasant issues. They have little or no influence in the House management and shine only on the floor where their quips get into the newspapers. Foremost of these is LaGuardia of New York, an irregular Republican, the smartest, most industrious gadfly. He knows parliamentary practice and can tie the House in knots with his motions and points of order. He rarely wins a fight but he always puts on a good show and his clever arguments attract considerable backing.

Loudest of the gadflies is Blanton of Texas. His dearest concern is the government of the District of Columbia to which the House turns its attention on alternate Mondays. Mr. Blanton demands roll and quorum calls, makes booming points of order, inveighs lengthily on small grievances. He serves the purpose of keeping something from being "put over" (his pet phrase) on the House. He is now a lame gadfly, however, having run third to Mayfield and Connolly for the Senate. His departure after March will not be regretted by the general membership.

Black of New York is another Democratic gadfly, forever shuttling in and out of debate with stinging comments and troublesome questions. He is something of the playboy--too much so for the leaders to take his buzz and sting very seriously.

Characters. Like any institution, the House has its "characters," for example:

Edgar Howard of Nebraska--long hair `a la W. J. B. A heavy face also resembling the Commoner's. A high whiny voice, pleading at times. His favorite sport is asking "innocent questions" which convulse the House with laughter, for he has wit. He calls himself "a free Democrat." At home he is a newspaper publisher.

George Huddleston of Alabama, the South's only radical. A thin little wisp of a man who wears slippers in his office. He is given to vast and vociferous indignations. He is a fiery speechmaker. Pallid, drawn, hungry-looking, though personally wealthy. Professionally a lawyer who early threw his lot in with employes against employers in Birmingham.

Robert H. Clancy of Michigan--refers to himself as "The Billion Dollar Congressman" during campaigns. Went to the House first as a Democrat, was beaten at the polls and is now there as a Republican, violently partisan. He is the great "whisperer" of the House, with all manner of "inside dope," often quite worthless. He considers himself the privileged Representative of the motor industry. Hence his self-conferred title. As a Democrat he was a pleasant character whom all liked: as a Republican he poses as a "statesman." The House smiles at him.

Henry Allen Cooper of Wisconsin--the patriarch of the House, having served 17 terms. Still an old rebel. Tall, white hair, white beard, fair-spoken--the Progressives' candidate for Speaker. He considers himself the apostle of "True Republicanism." He is 78.

Charles Manly Stedman of North Carolina--only Civil War veteran in House, 87 years old. Was a major in Lee's army, wounded three times. Surrendered at Appomattox. Snow-white hair and beard, stooped shoulders, almost blind, a fine face. The House simply adores him. He rarely speaks. He is a small man in stature. A secretary conducts him to and fro.

George Holden Tinkham. He, a miraculous Republican, survived the Democratic landslide in Boston last month. He received only 333 votes less than Nominee Smith in his district and won his seat for the eighth consecutive time--a Boston record. Widely read and traveled, wealthy, a bachelor, he is in many ways an "ideal" Congressman. His large staff of secretaries is continually occupied doing things for his constituents. His correspondence is vast, perhaps 50,000 letters per annum. He was in Speaker Longworth's class at Harvard. He still takes pride in having been "the first American to fire a shot against the Austrians after the declaration of war by the U. S. at Capo d'Argine, on Piave River, December 11, 1917."

Clerk. Large on the diagram of House machinery is William Tyler Page, its clerk, 47 of whose 60 years have been spent in House service. In 1881 he became Page-Boy Page. In May he will celebrate his tenth anniversary as mainspring of the-order-of-business and lord high referee (unofficially) of parliamentary perplexities. A crisp-mustached Marylander, collaterally descended from President John Tyler and directly from Signer Carter Braxton of the Declaration of Independence, faithful Clerk Page is certain of his biennial re-elections so long as the House stays Republican.

" Seen separately, the most potent Representatives form as well differentiated a platoon as one might hand-pick from the citizenry.

Speaker Nicholas ("Nick") Longworth is the plump and debonair great-grandson of the winemaker in praise of whose golden wedding vintage Poet Longfellow wrote "The Queen of the West."* He is fond of good living, used to hard headwork; serene, humorous, fair to a fault though a faithful partisan. His grandfather collected camel's-hair shawls. He has collected friends. Getting Theodore Roosevelt for a father-in-law was a reward of that same industry and wit by which he attained--and not through the father-in-law--to the chairmanship at the meetings of all the stockholders in U. S. A., Inc.

John Quillin Tilson of New Haven, Conn., worked his way through Yale and was graduated the same year (1891) that affluent young "Nick" Longworth emerged from Harvard. A tall, bony Yank, he went to the Spanish War, returned to practice law, worked to the top of his Legislature, reached Congress in 1909. His face is lined like bark, but he does not bite. Conservative, shrewd, popular with serious men, he has cast a long shadow at national conventions of the G. O. P.

Bertrand H. ("Bert") Snell of Potsdam, N. Y., is a banker and cheesemaker. Short, florid, solid, he combines the rigidity of a businessman with the facility of a politician. There is small room for humor in his job of ramming resolutions through the Rules Committee and he seldom smiles. Amherst graduated him one year ahead of Calvin Coolidge and Dwight W. Morrow.

William Robert ("Will") Wood of Lafayette, Ind., is a small-town-lawyer and professional politician, old-style. Aged 67, a bit withered, inclined to testiness and taciturnity, he has served his party as chairman of the committee that is charged with keeping Congress Republican. Now he will succeed the late, snow-polled Martin Barnaby Madden of Illinois as chairman of the potent Appropriations Committee (House end of the so-called Pork Barrel).

Isaac ("Ike") Bacharach, smartly dressed, ruddy face, sour externally, pleasant internally, is a banking, realty and lumber tycoon of Atlantic City, N. J. A fine mixer and fixer, he is one of Speaker Longworth's closest friends. Much of the practical brains of the Ways & Means Committee (taxes, tariff) repose within his iron-grey head.

Carl Edgar Mapes of Grand Rapids, Mich., might have been a pastor or Y. M. C. A. executive. But he learned the law and trod a narrow path into Congress 15 years ago. His domed forehead, neat eyeglasses and bland face are often seen presiding over the Committee of the Whole in the Speaker's absence for he is an excellent, patient parliamentarian. The other Michigan men usually vote as he suggests.

William Walton Griest is a public utilities operator from Lancaster, Pa. As chairman of the Post Office Committee he quietly dispenses a vast quantity of Federal jobs. He controls the votes of the Pennsylvania bloc, 36 strong.

James Southworth ("Jim") Parker used to teach at St. Paul's School (Concord, N. H.). In 1898 he went to farming, in Salem, N. Y. His neighbours saw he had "book learnin' " and sent him to the legislature, then Congress (in 1913). He wears square-cut clothes, stutters a little, reads studiously. As chairman of the Interstate & Foreign Commerce Committee he supervises much intricate legislation and shares with Cheesemaker Snell in commanding the Republican half of New York's big delegation.

Richard Nash ("Dick") Elliott of Connersville, Ind., is short, bald, shiny, round, countrified, friendly. The public Buildings Committee, his specialty, is another important aspect of the Pork Barrel.

Lester Jesse Dickinson, Iowa born & bred, white hair, tanned, smiling face, clear of eye and speech, is a graduate and trustee of Cornell College (Mt. Vernon, la.) and is, with Iowa's Haugen, the voice of the Farm Bloc.

Willis Chatham Hawley of Salem, Ore., has succeeded Iowa's Green (who was "kicked upstairs" to a judgeship last session) as chairman of Ways & Means. He was a pedagog (Umpqua Academy, Oregon State Normal School, Willamette University) from 1884 to 1905. "Don't rock the boat," is his fiscal motto, while New Jersey's Bacharach provides the vessel's steam. Big of frame, with thinning sandy hair, he wrestles happily with infinite details.

Homer Hoch, born on the Fourth of July in Marion, Kan., is a slim, sharp, dark firecracker under the oldtimers of the House. Not yet 50, he switched about in a variety of Government jobs, kept up his law practice, edited a country paper. He entered Congress in 1919. He stands high as a transportation expert and is rapidly learning the technique of the Steering Committee.

Walter Hughes Newton of Minneapolis left the harness business for the law. He is Steersman Hoch's close contemporary and colleague, but a very opposite type--burly, loud, "dynamic." He managed the Speakers' Bureau for Hooverism.

Fred Albert Britten is the Navy Department's best friend, the admirals' right arm. His predecessor, as chairman of the Naval Affairs Committee, the late Thomas S. Butler of Pennsylvania, was a Quaker. Many a grizzled seadog suspected (wrongly) that Mr. Butler's faith tempered his ardor for a Big Navy. Mr. Britten, who learned about pugilism, hard-boiled politics and the contracting business in San Francisco and Chicago, has endeared himself to all U. S. sailors by years of pounding the table for more guns, more cruisers, more Navy. In the coming session he will pound behind the scenes. The cruiser bill passed the House last spring. Battling Britten will urge it through the Senate.

Frederick Reimold Lehlbach, the other potent New Jerseyite, is a Newark lawyer, tax specialist. Short of stature, sagged of cheek, he was Mr. Tilson's rival for the floor leadership.

Of the outstanding House Democrats, the most notable is John Nance ("Jack") Garner of Uvalde, Tex. He was a plainsboy, a cowboy. He has studied political finesse in Congress for 25 years. Now he is called "the cleverest trader" in either House. When he sees the Republican majority advancing against him, he maneuvers around behind it and wangles what he wants. He virtually wrote the last two tax-reduction bills. Shrewd, he sees where the country is going. Six years ago he predicted that Liquor and Religion would be the 1928 issues. He and Speaker Longworth are fast friends.

* Whence Cincinnati's sobriquet, "The Queen City."