The Strike Ends

One day last week a coal miner long out of work approached the telegraph office at Tamaqua, Pa. There could not have been many coins left in his pocket, but there was a high romantic resolve in his heart. The wastrels of the world have often boasted how they gave their last two shillings to a beggar. But the miner was no wastrel. He intended to give his two shillings to the telegraph company. He sat down at a table and began to write. It did not take him long; he could not afford a long telegram. He took it to the clerk. The clerk read the address:

"John L. Lewis

Hotel Bellevue-Stratford

Philadelphia, Pa."

The clerk counted the words. He smiled at the miner in a kindly way. He knew that miners were hard up after a more than five months' strike and he particularly wanted this man to get his money's worth. "You can have one more word for the same price," said he.

"That will do," said the miner.

Later that day a bellboy brought a sealed envelope to the President of the United Mine Workers. Mr. Lewis tore open the telegram, read it and grinned. He turned to the strike leaders and reporters who were gathered around. "Listen to this: 'Desire get married the day strike is settled. Advise. A. J. S.' "

"Give me a telegraph blank," said Mr. Lewis. One was shoved towards him. He began to write: "A. J. S., Tamaqua, Pa., Your wire received. Get married today. John L. Lewis."

The Final Scenes. The last few days of the strike were encumbered with a number of misleading signs. The Senate, after twice refusing to interrupt its work on the tax bill, considered this resolution:

"Resolved, that the President be requested to invite to the White House at such time as he thinks best the committee of operators and miners in order that he may urge upon them the national importance of an immediate settlement of the anthracite coal strike."

The roll was called and the resolution was passed 55 to 21. Then the Senate went back to work.

The President promptly indicated that he did not see that the Senate resolution changed matters a particle, and he would not summon a conference as long as the hopeless deadlock continued.

The House meanwhile was getting more and more worked up. The Democrats pressed for action and the Republicans began to cast about for something that they could do. Representative Boylan exclaimed: "Although 27 days have elapsed since I introduced my bill for Government intervention, and the Interstate and Foreign Commerce Committee has had requests for action on it, nothing has been done. How much longer must we wait before we, or the Administration, will act?"

In Pennsylvania the legislature was hastily canvassing a hundred proposals for settlement. Distress in the mining regions grew more and more acute. In some places there were demonstrations by miners against coal washeries, which were still in operation. But there was no sign of any actual negotiations for settlement.

The Unexpected. Suddenly it was discovered that the leaders of both miners and operators were assembling in Philadelphia unannounced. First, each group met separately. The press discovered them at it and hailed the settlement of the strike. For once and again the press was right. Next day the miners, and operators met and the terms of settlement were given out. The terms had still to be ratified by convention of the miners, but no doubt was expressed of the outcome. The Settlement. The chief terms of the settlement were as follows:

1) Work to begin at once at the old scale of wages and continue uninterruptedly to Aug. 31, 1930.

2) After Jan. 1, 1927, either side may not oftener than once a year propose changes in the contract, in which case negotiations shall begin within 15 days and be concluded after 30 days of negotiations.

3) If there is then no agreement, the settlement will be in the hands of a board of two men with full power to make a binding decision. This board is to be chosen as follows: Each side shall nominate three men and then choose one of the three nominated by the other side. The two men so chosen, who are not to be connected with the union or the industry, "shall within 90 days after appointment arrive at a decision on all issues and formulate its own rules, and may enlarge board to an odd number, in which event a majority vote shall be binding.

4) Questions of "cooperation and efficiency" shall be referred to a conciliation board of three operators and three miners.

What the Terms Signify. On the question of periodic wage adjustments there is no provision for compulsory arbitration. If the miners' member of the Board in Paragraph 3 above refuses to agree to the appointment of a third member, the two must thrash out an agreement together. But if they do not agree? They are told they have to render a decision in 90 days. Just what would happen is not clear; it would depend undoubtedly on the character of the men chosen. In some quarters it is contended that by naming a man sufficiently in accord with their views the miners have effective means of continuing the present wage scale for four and a half years i.e., to the contract's end.

In Paragraph 4 above is supposed to be hidden the check-off* issue. The miners class this issue as "cooperation and efficiency." How the conciliation board will act on the question remains to be seen, but the miners expect to get a modified form of check-off. If both these assumptions are true, the miners appear to have the better of the bargain.

What the Agreement Springs from. For 165 days, 158,000 men working in 828 mines, of 135 companies, abstained from work and consequently from wages amounting in the aggregate to about $1,000,000 a day, while the coal companies lost the profits on 266,000 tons of coal a day and the industry and its community lost, it is estimated, $1,000,000,000. The original demand of the miners was for 10%, or $1 a day, more wages and the check-off. The operators refused to increase wages, refused the check-off and offered periodic arbitration and a long contract. The miners flatly refused to agree to arbitration. Unsuccessful direct negotiation was three times attempted, went on from July 9 to Aug. 4 (before the strike), and from Dec. 29 to Jan. 12, from Jan. 26 to Feb. 2. The agreement to renew work after 165 days makes the strike exactly equal in length to the great strike of 1902. Other strikes continued for, shorter periods: 1900, 47 days; 1906, 37 days; 1912, 59 days; 1922, 164 days; 1923, 18 days.

Joy. The miners in Pennsylvania towns held "Armistice Day" celebrations. Money began to flow through stagnant credit channels. The mine leaders were jubilant at having come through so fierce a strike with their union intact and behind them. And in addition it was John L. Lewis' 46th birthday. New England cheered lustily at the prospect of soon having back its favorite fuel. Republican politicians were delighted to be relieved of an embarrassment. Only the Democratic politicians were inclined to be dour.

The Credit. President Coolidge does not lay claim to credit for Settling the strike. He let reporters know that he was pleased with the settlement and saw in it justification of his hands-off policy. Senator Copeland (who introduced the Senate resolution) asserted that the action of the Senate forced the end of the strike. The miners said that they appreciated the services of Governor Pinchot of Pennsylvania. Some thought that Secretary of Labor Davis and the conciliation service of the Department of Labor deserved much credit. Secretary James J. Davis mentioned former Governor William C. Sproul of Pennsylvania as having done much, and he added, "If there is any glory coming to anybody, spread the glory around."

But the man who seems to have brought about the actual agreement was a newcomer on the scene. Both miners and operators mentioned him as the man responsible. He is Richard Frank Grant. Mr. Grant is himself an operator, President of the Susquehanna Collieries Co. Until last fall he was President of the U.S. Chamber of Commerce. He is a Minnesotan by birth, a graduate of the Yale Sheffield Scientific School and the Yale Law School. He went to Cleveland and became associated with the M. A. Hanna Co., the company of the late Mark Hanna**, as a lawyer and now is Vice President of that company, of which the Susquehanna Collieries is a subsidiary.

He burst in upon the scene (unheralded) less than a week before the settlement. He conferred with the leader of the operators at Scranton. Three days later, one evening at 5:30, he walked in on John L. Lewis at Wilkesbarre. From that time to the finish he hardly rested, even at night. He talks with great rapidity, is extraordinarily well informed, is known as a fighter and is equipped for fighting with a big six-foot frame. After his evening with Mr. Lewis, he spent the next day with Samuel D. Warriner, not the nominal but perhaps the actual leader of the operators. The following day he had the operators and miners both meeting in Philadelphia meeting separately in hotels across the street from each other, the Bellvue-Stratford and the Ritz- Carlton, while he went back and forth. That night he spent with Mr. Lewis until 4:00 a.m. The next morning the agreement was signed. His version of the "great lovers" who were not responsible for settling the strike is best put in his own words:

"When a coal strike develops, many champions of the people with political hopes start to develop ways and means to capitalize the situation for their own benefit. The first thing to do is to convince the people of their general love for humanity. There is no publicity value in being a private lover, and so their love is proclaimed loudly. The next thing is to have a plan or to offer their good offices. This is done so that later, when the strike is settled, they can point with pride to their helpfulness.

"Hundreds of plans have been submitted. Generally they follow the plan of the Ten Commandments, the Episcopal marriage ceremony or Mrs. Rorer's cookbook.

"These champions of the people accomplish nothing except to confuse everything and prolong the strike.

"For three days I have been the sole contact between operators and miners. Right at the start it seemed sure that a formula could be written to end the strike. My only fear was that some great friends of the people would have a heartbreak and start loving out loud and spoil the party.

"I call attention to the great common sense and wisdom of President Coolidge. It is my firm conviction that if he had yielded to the great pressure upon him and had tried to intervene, this contract would not be signed today.

"The American people are entitled to know this solemn conviction of mine and to honor this great President of ours, who has shortened the strike by his wisdom.

"I would like to paste across the sky in eternal letters a warning to look out for those great lovers of America who want to do their loving out loud and would capitalize the distress of our people for personal reasons."

* The method whereby the coal companies collect dues for the union by deductions from the miner's pay.

**Senator Hanna himself at various times took important steps toward ending anthracite strikes. He helped to end the strike of 1900. He prevented a strike in 1901, and in 1902 he first tried to prevent the strike and then worked heartily to end it. When President Roosevelt finally secured a settlement, he remarked: "Well, Uncle Mark's work has borne fruit."

At a recent "information test" given on questions of current interest by a well known magazine to 350 members of the Cleveland Chamber of Commerce, Mr. Grant tied with one other man for the third best rating.