Resentment

Politics is politics--and something more. It was not politics but death which made Calvin Coolidge President of the U. S. Similarly, it has not been politics but health which during the last six months has prevented Mr. La Follette from occupying his accustomed place in the political oratorical foreground.

His illness, reported as pneumonia, was severe; it kept him from the legislative halls; it kept him from playing an active, leading part in most of the major legislation battles of the passing session. Recently he left the Capital for Atlantic City to complete his convalescence. Presumably, the salubrious breezes of the sea awakened once more the vitality which in illness had lain dormant. He aroused himself. He took oblique cognizance of the fact that there are groups which would like to nominate him for the Presidency on a third party ticket. He wrote a letter to Herman L. Ekern, Attorney General of Wisconsin, who had inquired how he felt towards the Farmer-Labor-Progressive Convention to be held in St. Paul on June 17. His reply was that "the June 17 convention will not command the support of the farmers, the workers or other Progressives, because those who have had charge of the arrangements for this convention have committed the fatal error of making the Communists an integral part of their organization."

He devoted the major part of his letter to proving this point, which is quite indisputable, and then closed his remarks with two significant paragraphs:

"The approaching Democratic and Republican Conventions will demonstrate to the people whether either of those parties can and will purge itself of those evil influences which have long dominated them. This cannot be accomplished by merely nominating some alleged Progressive and filling the platform with misleading promises. It demands the elimination of monopoly control, the downfall of the corrupt political bosses, the adoption of truly progressive principles and the repudiation of those great campaign contributors who have in the past bought up both parties.

"If this is not done a long suffering and indignant people will find in the coming campaign effective means, independent of both these old parties, to take back control of their Government and make it truly representative."

Not once did Mr. La Follette mention himself. Yet it was inferred at once that he would run on a third party ticket--or if not on a third party, at least as a third candidate.

The consequences of such an action might be far-reaching. As regards himself, it would probably mean that he would lose the prerogatives which he has always retained as a nominal member of the Republican organization. In the event of defeat this might be serious to him. As regards national politics, the consequences might be even more important. His supporters believe that he could carry from six to ten northwestern states. In so doing he would probably plan to prevent a majority in the electoral college and throw the election into the House of Representatives. There his radical followers hold the balance of power, but it is dubious whether they could elect him. As possible alternatives, his participation might give the nomination to the Democrats on a silver dish--as Roosevelt's did in 1912. Or he might send all the conservatives of the nation into the Coolidge camp for shelter --especially if the Democratic candidate is progressive.

Even though Mr. La Follette were actually chosen President by the House, the Senate in electing a Vice President could not elect a Vice President from his ticket, because the Senate is limited in its choice to the two highest on the list of Vice Presidential candidates. Then La Follette would have a Republican or a Democrat as his substitute in case of death. "Mr. La Follette," the calendar grimly remarks, "is 68."

But Mr. La Follette has not yet said he will be a candidate. His health, to mention only one consideration, might prevent his entering upon such an enterprise. Republican papers suggested that he might run out of resentment, by threatening his party to make it write his wishes into its platform.

Revived, feeling vigorous from the salt air and his Sibylline words, he suddenly set out for the Capital--two days before he was scheduled to leave Atlantic City. The immediate result was to bring out on the floor a bill to abolish the Railway Labor Board.

Following Mr. La Follette's blast, Samuel Gompers expressed his disapproval of the St. Paul Convention. The Committee of 48, a Progressive organization, withdrew its support of the convention. William Z. Foster and C. E. Ruthenberg, leaders of the Workers' Party (Communist), issued a counterblast saying that Mr. La Follette was really opposed to the "formation of a class Farmer-Labor Party to fight the battles of farmers and workers." A number of organizers of the convention declared that Senator La Follette was in error about the Communists. But with Mr. La Follette and his followers deserting the St. Paul Convention, the Communists will certainly have a powerful hand in its business.