Monday, Feb. 04, 1924
Strike?
The United Mine Workers of America opened their biennial convention at Indianapolis, and the public turned an interested ear to find out whether there would be a soft coal strike in the coming Spring. The question was not definitely decided in the first week's session. But in the repeated triumphs of President John L. Lewis, there were indications of "no strike."
P: President Lewis, in his report which was adopted, said that "a wage agreement for a term of years effectuated without a strike or suspension of production would be of constructive help in restoring stability to the industry and would be a boon to the strike-weary public." He pointed out that in 1923 the bituminous coal industry produced 545,000,000 tons working only half time--a condition that from the standpoint of Labor and Capital was undesirable.
P: Vice President Philip Murray, in his report, also adopted, attacked the communists who have attempted to bore from within the union: "In this country there is too much soap, too many safety razors and not enough whiskers to accept the bearded philosophy of Russian revolution."
P: Treasurer William Green reported that the organization had $1,177,021 in cash on hand and no indebtedness. During the last two years it spent $3,771,350 in organizing non-union fields and extending relief to members on strike. Its paid up membership averaged 445,734, with an addition of about 60,000 members exonerated from dues.
P: Resolutions were passed favoring recognition of the Soviet Government if it fulfilled its "honorable obligations," favoring educational work towards the nationalization of mines, upholding President Lewis for revoking the charter of a Nova Scotia district union which broke its wage contract and went illegally on strike (vote 5 to 1), in favor of a soldier bonus, in favor of disarmament, in favor of less immigration.
P: The Scale Committee considered resolutions calling for wage increases up to 25%. It is certain that the union will fight rather than allow a reduction of wages. The union leaders, however, desire no strike. The question was whether it was necessary to demand a wage increase to get enough votes to pass the Scale Committee's report.
P: One of the most significant debates was on the question of an alliance with the International Brotherhood of Locomotive Engineers. Such an alliance would bring about a combination of a million men, capable of tying up the railroads as well as the mines in case of a strike. Several resolutions were presented in favor of such a combination. But officials of the miners explained that it was not clear how such an alliance could be made, since officials of the engineers were cool to their advances. Warren Sanford Stone has for 20 years been Grand Chief of the Brotherhood of Locomotive Engineers. He is also President of the Brotherhood's bank. That bank had refused a loan to the United Mine Workers. During recent strikes members of the Brotherhood moved coal from nonunion coal mines. The Brotherhood itself owns three coal mines. Two of these in West Virginia were nonunion. The officials of the Brotherhood refused to let them be organized, the miners struck, and the officials of the Brotherhood threatened to evict the miners from company houses. Then the rank and file of the engineers and the two mines were organized. The third mine of the Brotherhood, in Kentucky, is still unorganized.
Fred Mooney, Secretary of the Miners for the West Virginia District, said: "An alliance, if one is to come, must come from the men down on the ground, not from the officers of the railroad brotherhoods. They have been called the aristocracy of labor--and they are."